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ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 

u 

PEN AND VOICE 

BEING A COMPLETE COMPILATION OF HIS 

LETTEKS 

CIVIL, POLITICAL, AND MILITARY 

ALSO 

HIS PUBLIC ADDRESSES, MESSAGES TO CONGRESS 

INAUGURALS AND OTHERS 

AS WELL AS 

PROCLAMATIONS UPON VARIOUS PUBLIC CONCERNS, SHOWING HIM 

TO HAVE BEEN THE GREATEST CONSTITUTIONAL STUDENT 

OF THE AGE, AND THE NOBLEST PATTERN FOR FUTURE 

GENERATIONS AMERICA HAS EVER KNOWN 

BY 

G. M. TAN BUREN 

Lati> Colonel U. S. Vols. 
WITH A FINE STEEL PORTRAIT 



CINCINNATI 

ROBERT CLARKE & CO 

1890 






Copyright, 1890, 
By G. M. VAN BUREN. 



BeMcafed to the H^ari? 

OF 

ABRAHAM LINCOLN, 



GRANDSON" OF THF. 



By his lamented death the ancestral name becomes extinct: 



INTRODUCTION. 

The author feels that no one man can say what 
ought to be said of that great statesman, renowned 
president, and noble martyr — Abraham Lincoln — 
and therefore begs leave to present as a preface what 
has been said of him by the greatest men of our 
times. 

[From Lincoln's Memorial.] 

Sprung from the people, with no ancestral renown 
or services, with none of the auxiliaries which wealth, 
social position, or academic honors afford the mass of 
aspirants to great public honors, Abraham Lincoln 
rose step by step to the highest station in the gift of 
his fellow-countrymen 

And although party virulence, which in our press 
lias no check, persistently coupled his name with 
odious epithets, there has never been the slightest 
charge of any thing to detract from a high moral 
character. He was too great to stoop to vile means to 
accomplish his ends 

No CVesar he, whom we lament, 
A mar. without a precedent, 
Sent, it would seem, to do 
His work, and perish too ! 

[From a Speech by General B. F. Butler, in New York City.] 

Fellow Citizens : — But a day or two since we assem- 
bled throughout the nation in joy, gladness, and 
triumph, at the success of the armies of the republic, 



VI PREFACE. 

which opened to us the promise of a glorious peace 
and a happy country in the future. 

These flags now the token of mourning, were then 
raised in gladness. To-day, in a short hour, Abra- 
ham Lincoln has been struck down by the hand of 
an assassin, and we assemble to mingle our grief with 
that of the loved ones at home, who mourn the hon- 
est man, the incorruptible patriot, the great states- 
man, the savior of his country in its crisis. 

[From a Speech by Hon. Daniel S. Dickinson.] 

It is not merely the death of Abraham Lincoln — 
great, good, patient, faithful, sincere as he was — but it 
is the great nation that has been wounded in her 
Chief Magistrate, that she had, with great and un- 
usual eclat, continued in the position, and said, " Well 
done, good and faithful servant." 

[From a Sermon by Rev. Henry W. Bellows.] 

Our beloved president, who had enshrined himself 
not merely in the confidence, the respect, and the 
gratitude of the people, but in their very hearts, as 
their true friend, adviser, representative, and brother; 
whom the nation loved as much as it revered, who 
had soothed our angry impatience in this fearful 
struggle with his gentle moderation and passionless 
calm ; who had been the head of the nation, and not 
the chief of a successful party; and had treated our 
enemies like rebellious children, and not as foreign 
foes, providing even in their chastisement for mercy 
and penitent restoration ; our prudent, firm, humble, 
reverential, God-fearing president is dead. 



PREFACE. VU 

[Archbishop McClosky, at St. Patrick's Cathedral, in New York.] 

We pray that those sentiments of mercy, of clem- 
ency, and of conciliation, that filled the heart of the 
beloved president we have just lost, may animate the 
heart and guide the actions of him who in this most 
trying hour is called to fill his place. 

[From a Sermon by his Pastor, Rev. D. Gurley.] 

I have said that the people confided in the late 
lamented president with a full and a loving confidence. 
Probably no man, since the days of Washington, was 
ever so deeply and firmly imbedded and enshrined in 
the very hearts of the people as Abraham Lincoln. 
Nor was it a mistaken confidence and love. He de- 
served it, deserved it well, deserved it all. He mer- 
ited it by his character, by his acts, and by the whole 
tenor, and tone and spirit of his life. He was simple 
and sincere, plain and honest, truthful and just, 
benevolent and kind. His perceptions were quick 
and clear, his judgments were calm and accurate, 
and his purposes were good and pure beyond a ques- 
tion. Always and every-where he aimed, and en- 
deavored to be and to do right. His integrity was 
thorough, all-pervading, all-controlling, and incor- 
ruptible. 

[Public Address by Ralph Waldo Emerson.] 

The president stood before us as a man of the peo- 
ple. He was thoroughly American, had never crossed 
the sea, had never been spoiled by English insularity 
or French dissipation ; a quiet, native, aboriginal 
man, as an acorn from the oak ; no aping of foreign- 
ers, no frivolous accomplishments, Kentuckian born, 
working on a farm, a flatboatman, a captain in the 



Vlll PREFACE. 

Blackhawk war, a country lawyer, a representative 
in the rural legislature of Illinois— on such modest 
foundation the broad structure of his fame was laid. 

How slowly, and yet by happily prepared steps, he 
came to his place. . . . There, by his courage, 
his justice, his even temper, his fertile counsel, his 
humanity, he stood an heroic figure in the center of 
an heroic epoch. He is the true history of the 
American people in his time. 

Step by step he walked before them ; slow with 
their slowness, quickening his march by theirs ; the 
true representative of the continent ; an entirely 
public man ; father of his country, the pulse of 
twenty millions throbbing in his heart, the thought 
of their minds articulated by his tongue. 

| General Banks, at New O'leans.J 

There is not a man on the continent or globe that 
will, or can, say that Abraham Lincoln was his 
enemy ; or that he deserved punishment or death for 
his individual acts. No, Mr. President, it was because 
he represented us that he died, and it is for our good 
and the glory of our nation that God, in his inscru- 
table providence, has been pleased to do this, while 
for the late President it is the great crowning act and 
security of his career. 

[By George Bancroft.] 

But after every allowance, it will remain that mem- 
bers of the government which preceded the adminis- 
tration opened the gates to treason, and he closed 
them ; that when he went to Washington the ground 
on which he trod shook under his feet, and he left 



PREFACE. IX 



the republic on a solid foundation ; that traitors had 
seized public forts and arsenals, and he recovered 
them for the United States, to whom they belonged ; 
that the Capital which he found the abode of slaves, 
is now only the home of the free ; that the boundless 
public domain which was grasped at, and, in a great 
measure, held for the diffusion of slavery, is now irre- 
vocably devoted to freedom. 

[From Bishop Simpson's Funeral Oration.] 

But the great cause of the mourning is to be found 
in the man himself. Mr. Lincoln was no ordinary 
man, and I believe the conviction has been growing 
on the nation's mind, as it certainly has been on my 
own, especially in the last years of his administra- 
tion. 

By the hand of God he was especially singled out 
to guide our government in these troublous times, 
and it seems to me that the hand of God may be 
traced in many events connected with his history. 

[From a Sermon by Rev. Henry Ward Beecher.] 

Who shall recount our martyr's sufferings for the 
jpeople? Since the November of 1860, his horizon 
has been black with storms. By day and by night 
he trod a way of danger and darkness. 

On his shoulders rested a government, dearer to 
him than his own life. At its life millions were 
striking at home ; upon it foreign eyes were lowered, 
and it stood like a lone island in a sea full of storms, 
and every tide and wave seemed eager to devour it. 

Upon thousands of hearts great sorrows and anx- 
ieties have rested, but upon not one such, and in such 



X - TREFACE. 

measure, as upon that simple, truthful, noble soul, 
our faithful and sainted Lincoln. 

(From the Dictionary of Congress.] 

Born — February 12, 1809, in Hardin county, Ken- 
tucky. 

Education — Defective. 

Profession — Lawyer. 

Have been a captain of volunteers in Blackhawk 
war, postmaster at a very small office. 

Four times a member of the Illinois Legislature, 
and was a member of the Lower House of Congress. 
Yours, etc., A. Lincoln. 

And we add— Died April 15, 1865. 

[From General Grant's Address, at the Dedication of the Lincoln Monument 
at Springfield, 111., October 15, 1874. 

From March, 1864, to the day when the hand of 
the assassin opened a grave for Mr. Lincoln, then 
president of the United States, my personal relations 
with him were as close and intimate as the nature of 
our respective duties would permit. To know him 
personally was to love and respect him for his great 
qualities of heart and head, and for his patience and 
patriotism. 

With all his disappointments from failures on the 
part of those to whom he had intrusted command, 
and treachery on the part of those who had gained 
his confidence but to betray it, I never heard him 
utter a complaint, nor cast a censure for bad conduct 
or bad faith. 

It was his nature to find excuses for his adversaries. 



PREFACE. XI 

In his death the nation lost its greatest hero. In his 
death the south lost its most just friend. 

[From Hon. S. S. Cox.l 

President Lincoln was not without faults, but his 
goodness and virtues far overshadowed them. Xone 
more than he ever better illustrated the maxim that 
the good alone are great. 

It was almost a peculiarity of Mr. Lincoln's, among 
the great men of history, that all his public and private 
utterances bear the impress of an honest, conscientious 
regard for whatever he believed to be right and wise. 

Though " popular beyond all others of his time," 
he never sought station or advancement by the sacri- 
fice of the public welfare on the shrine of party or 
personal ambition. 

He was singularly free from sectional and partisan 
passion and animosity. 

It was a privilege of the writer to see him often 
while he was in the possession of his great office, 
and to hoar him converse upon public affairs. At no 
time did Mr. Lincoln utter a harsh or unkind word 
in regard to political opponents or toward the insur- 
gent south. "When no great public concern engaged 
his attention, and perhaps as a temporary relief from 
the cares of state, his conversation was often light 
and humorous ; but Mr. Lincoln could discard 
frivolity when confronted by a serious demand on 
his powers. He could always rise up to the occasion. 
He possessed a clear and vigorous understanding, 
and a sincere love of truth. His reasoning powers 



XU PREFACE. 

were remarkable. He could, upon occasion, rise to 
the most sublime flight of eloquence. 

His little introductory speech at the Gettysburg 
Cemetery dedication will outlive the elaborate and 
eloquent oration delivered by Mr. Everett on the 
same day. 

I am indebted to J. C. Power, of Springfield, 111., 
author of the " History of the Attempt to Steal the 
Body of Lincoln," for the use of the plates of the 
two views of the " Lincoln Monument." 

Excavation for the monument commenced Septem- 
ber 9, 1869. It is built of granite from quarries at 
Eiddeford, Maine. The rough ashlars were shipped 
to Quincy, Mass., where they were dressed to perfect 
ashlars and numbered, thence shipped by railroad to 
Springfield. It is 72| feet from east to west, 119J 
feet from north to south, and 100 feet high. The 
total cost is about $230,000, to May 1, 1888. All the 
statuary is orange-colored bronze. The whole monu- 
ment was designed by Larkin G. Mead, the statuary 
was modeled in plaster by him in Florence, Italy, and 
cast by the Ames Manufacturing Co., of Chicopee, 
Mass. The statue of Lincoln and coat of arms were 
first placed on the monument; the statue was un- 
veiled and the monument dedicated October 15, 1874. 
The infantry and naval groups were put on in Sep- 
tember, 1877, the artillery group, April 13, 1882, and 
the cavalry group, March 13, 1883. 



ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 
PEN AND VOICE. 



Mr. Lincoln's Verbal Reply to Committee Notifying 
him or his Nomination to the Presidency. 

At Springfield, III, May 18, 1860. 

Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen of the Committee: — 
I tender to you, and through you to the Republican 
National Convention, and all the people represented 
in it, my profoundest thanks for the high honor done 
me, which you now formally announce. 

Deeply, and even painfully sensible of the great 
responsibility which is inseparable from the high 
honor, a responsibility which 1 could almost wish had 
fallen upon some one of the far more eminent men 
and experienced statesmen whose distinguished names 
were before the convention, 1 shall, by your leave, 
consider more fully the resolutions of the convention, 
denominated the platform, and without any unneces- 
sary or unreasonable delay, report to you, Mr. Chair- 
man, in writing, not doubting that the platform will 
be found satisfactory, and the nomination gratefully 
accepted. And now I will no longer defer the pleas- 
ure of taking you, and each of you, by the hand. 

(13J 



14 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 

Springfield, III, May 23, 1860. 

Sir: — I accept the nomination tendered me by the 
convention over which yon presided, of which I am 
formally appraised in a letter of yourself and others 
acting as a committee of the convention for that pur- 
pose. 

The declaration of principles and sentiments which 
accompanies your letter meets my approval, and it 
shall be my care not to violate it, or disregard it in 
any part. Imploring the assistance of Divine Provi- 
dence, and with due regard to the views and feelings 
of all who were represented in the convention, to the 
rights of all the states and territories and people ot 
the nation, to the inviolability of the constitution, 
and the perpetual union, harmony, and prosperity of 
all ; I am most happy to co-operate for the practical 
success of the principles declared by the convention. 

Your obliged friend and fellow-citizen, 

Abraham Lincoln. 
Hon. George Ashmun, Prest. Republican Convention. 

Springfield, III., August 15, 1860. 
My Dear Sir: — Yours of the 9th, enclosing the 
letter of Hon. John Minor Botts, was duly received. 
The latter is herewith returned according to your re- 
quest. It contains one of the many assurances I re- 
ceive from the South, that in no probable event will 
there be any very formidable effort to break up the 
Union. The people of the South have too much 
of good sense and good temper to attempt the ruin of 
the government rather than see it administered as it 



PEN AND VOICE. 15 

was administered by the men who made it. At least, 
so I hope and believe. 

I thank yon both for your own letter and a sight of 
that of Mr. Botts. Yours very truly, 
John B. Fry, Esq. A. Lincoln. 

Abraham Lincoln to Thurlow Weed. 

Springfield, III., August 17, 1860. 

My Dear Sir: — Yours of the 13th was received 
this morning. Douglas is managing the Bell ele- 
ment with great adroitness. He had his men in 
Kentucky to vote for the Bell candidate, producing a 
result which has badly alarmed and damaged Breck- 
enridge, and at the same time has induced the Bell 
men to suppose that Bell will certainly be President, 
if they can keep a few of the northern states away 
from us by throwing them to Douglas. But you, 
better than I, can understand all this. 

I think there will be the most extraordinary effort 
ever made to carry New York for Douglas. 

You and all others who write me from your state 
think the effort can not succeed, and I hope you are 
right. Still it will require close watching and great 
efforts on the other side. Herewith I send you a copy 
of a letter written at New York, which sufficiently 
explains itself, and which may or may not give you a 
valuable hint. You have seen that Bell tickets have 
been put on the track both here and in Indiana. In 
both cases the object has been, I think, the same as 
the Hunt movement in New York— to throw states 
to Douglas. 

In our state we know the thing is engineered by 



16 • ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 

Douglas men, and we do not believe they can make a 
great deal out of it. Yours very truly, 

A. Lincoln. 

The President Elect to Thurlow Weed. 

Springfield, III., December 17, 1860. 

My Dear Sir: — Yours of the eleventh was received 
two days ago. Should the convention of governors, 
of which you speak seem desirous to know my views 
on the present aspect of things, tell them you judge 
from my speeches that I will be inflexible on the ter- 
ritorial question; that I probably think either the 
Missouri line extended, or Douglas's or Eli Thayer's 
popular sovereignty would lose us every thing we 
gain by the election ; that filibustering for all the 
South of us, and making slave states of it would fol- 
low, in spite of us in either case ; also, that I proba- 
bly think all opposition, real and apparent, to the 
fugitive slave clause of the constitution ought to be 
withdrawn. 

I believe you can pretend to rind but little, if any 
thing, in my speeches, about secession. But my 
opinion is that no state can in any way lawfully get 
out of the Union without the consent of the others; 
and that it is the duty of the president and other gov- 
ernment functionaries to run the machine as it is. 
Truly yours, A. Lincoln. 

Interview Published in ISTew York Tribune, January 
30, 1861. 
I will suffer death before I will consent or advise 
my friends to consent to any concession or compro- 



PEN AND VOICE. 17 

mise which looks like buying the privilege of taking 
possession of the government to which we have a 
constitutional right ; because, whatever I might think 
of the merit of the various propositions before Con- 
gress, I should regard any concession in the face of 
menace as the destruction of the government itself, 
and a consent on all hands that our system shall be 
brought down to a level with the existing disorgan- 
ized state of affairs in Mexico. But this thing will 
hereafter be, as it is now, in the hands of the people, 
and if they desire to call a convention to remove any 
grievances complained of, or to give new guarantees 
for the permanence of vested rights, it is not mine to 
oppose. 

The President Elect to Thurlow Weed. 

Springfield, III., February 4, 1861. 

Dear Sir : — I have both your letter to myself, and 
that to Judge Davis, in relation to a certain gentle- 
man of your state, claiming to dispense patronage in 
my name, and also to be authorized to use my name 
to advance the chances of Mr. Greeley for an election 
to the United States Senate. 

It is very strange that such things should be said 
by any one. The gentleman you mention did speak 
to me of Mr. Greeley in connection with the sena- 
torial election, and I replied in terms of kindness 
towards Mr. Greeley, which I really feel, but always 
with an expressed protest that my name must not be 
used in the senatorial election in favor of or against 
any one. Any other representation of me is a mis- 
representation. 
2 



18 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 

As to the matter of dispensing patronage, it will 
perhaps surprise you to learn that I have information 
that you claim to have my authority to arrange that 
matter in New York. I do not believe you have so 
claimed, but still so some men say. On that subject 
you know all I have said to you is "justice to all," 
and I have said nothing more particular to any one. 
I say this to reassure you that I have not changed my 
position. 

In the hope, however, that you will not use my 
name in the matter, I am, yours truly, 

A. Lincoln. 

Mr. Lincoln's Speech at Springfield, February 11, 
1861, on Leaving for Washington, to be Inau- 
gurated as President. 

Friends: — No one who has never been placed in a 
like position can understand my feeling at this hour, 
nor the oppressive sadness I feel at this parting. 

For more than a quarter of a century I have lived 
among you, and during all that time I have received 
nothing but kindness at your hands. Here I have 
lived from my youth, until now I am an old man. 
Here the most sacred ties of earth were assumed. 
Here all my children were born ; and here one of 
them lies buried. To you, dear friends, I owe all that 
I have, all that I am. All the strange, checkered past 
seems to crowd now upon my mind. To-day I leave 
you. I go to assume a task more difficult than that 
which devolved upon Washington. Unless the great 
God, who assisted him, shall be with and aid me, I 
must fail; but if the same omniscient mind and al- 



PEN AND VOICE. 19 

mighty arm that directed and protected him shall 
guide and support me, I shall not fail — I shall succeed. 
Let us all pray that the God of our fathers may not 
forsake us now. To Him I commend you all. Per- 
mit me to ask, that, with equal security and faith, 
you will invoke His wisdom and guidance for me. 
With these few words I must leave you, for how long 
I know not. Friends, one and all, I must now bid 
you an affectionate farewell. 

Mr. Lincoln's Speech at Indianapolis, February 11, 

1861. 

Governor 3Iorton and Fellow -citizens of the State of 
Indiana : — Most heartily do I thank you for this mag- 
nificent reception, and while I can not take to myself 
any share of the compliment thus paid, more than 
that which pertains to a mere instrument, an acci- 
dental instrument, perhaps I should say, of a great 
cause, I yet must look upon it as a most magnificent 
reception, and as such, most heartily do thank you 
for it. You have been pleased to address yourself to 
me chiefly in behalf of this glorious Union in which 
we live, in all of which you have my hearty sympathy, 
and, as far as may be within my power, will have, one 
and inseparably, my hearty consideration. While I do 
not expect, upon this occasion, or until I get to 
Washington, to attempt any lengthy speech, I will 
only say to the salvation of the Union, there 
needs but one single thing, the hearts of a people 
like yours. 

The people, when they rise in mass in behalf of the 
Union, and the liberties of their country, truly may 



20 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 

it be said, "The gates of hell can not prevail against 
them." In all trying positions in which I shall be 
placed, and, doubtless, I shall be placed in many such, 
my reliance will be placed upon you and the people 
of the United States ; and I wish you to remember, 
now and forever, that it is your business, and not 
mine; that if the union of these states, and the lib- 
erties of this people shall be lost, it is but little to 
any one man of fifty-two years of age, but a great 
deal to the thirty millions of people who inhabit 
these United States, and to their posterity in all com- 
ing time. 

It is your business to rise up and preserve the 
Union and liberty for yourselves, and not for me. 

I desire they should be constitutionally performed. 
I, as already intimated, am but an accidental instru- 
ment, temporary, and to serve but for a limited time, 
and I appeal to you again to constantly bear in mind 
that with you, and not with politicians, not with pres- 
idents, not with office-seekers, but with you, is the 
question, Shall the Union, and shall the liberties of 
this country be preserved to the latest generation ? 

Continued at Indianapolis in the Evening, Before 
the Legislature, February 11, 1861. 

Fellow-citizens of the State of Indiana : — I am here 
to thank you much for this magnificent welcome, and 
still more for the generous support given by your 
state to that political cause which I think is the true 
and great cause of the whole country and the whole 
world. 

Solomon says there is "a time to keep silence," and 



PEN AND VOICE. -1 

when men wrangle by the mouth with no certainty 
that they mean the same thing, while using- the same 
word, it perhaps were as well if they would keep 
silence. 

The words "coercion" and "invasion" are much 
used in these days, and often with some temper and 
hot blood. Let us make sure, if we can, that we do 
not misunderstand the meaning of those who use 
them. Let us get the exact definition of these words. 
not from dictionaries, but from the men themselves, 
who certainly depreciate the things they would repre- 
sent by the use of the words. What, then, is "coer- 
cion ? " What is " invasion ? " Would the marching 
of an army into South Carolina, without the consent 
of her people, and with hostile intent toward them, 
be "invasion?" I certainly think it would; and it 
would be "coercion" also if the South Carolinians 
were forced to submit. 

But if the United States should merely hold and 
retake its own forts and other property, and collect 
the duties on foreign importations, and even with- 
hold the mails from places where they were habitu- 
ally violated, would any or all these things be "inva- 
sion " or " eoercion ? " Do our professed lovers of the 
Union, but who spitefully resolve that they will resist 
coercion and invasion, understand that such things as 
these on the part of the United States, would be 
coercion or invasion of a state? If so, their idea of 
means to preserve the object of their affection would 
seem exceedingly thin and airy. If sick, the little 
pills of the homeopathists would be much too large 
for it to swallow. In their view, the Union, as a 



22 



ABRAHAM LINCOLN S 



family relation, would seem to be no regular marriage, 
but a sort of "free love" arrangement, to be main- 
tained only on "passional attraction." 

By the way, in what consists the special sacredness 
of a state? I speak not of the position assigned to a 
state in the Union, by the constitution; but that, by 
the bond we all recognize. 

That position, however, a state can not carry out 
of the Union with it. T speak of that assumed 
primary right of a state to rule all which is less than 
itself, and ruin all which is larger than itself. 

If a state and a county in a given case, should be 
equal in extent of territory, and equal in number of 
inhabitants, in what, as a matter of principle, is the 
state better than the county? Would an exchange 
of names be an exchange of rights upon principle? 
On what rightful principle may a state, being not 
more than one-fiftieth part of the nation, in soil and 
population, break up the nation, and then coerce a 
proportionally larger subdivision of itself, in the 
most arbitrary way ? What mysterious right to play 
tyrant is conferred on a district of country, with its 
people, by merely calling it a state? 

Fellow-citizens, I am not asserting any thing ; I am 
merely asking questions for you to consider. And 
now allow me to bid you farewell. 

Speech at Cincinnati, February 12, 1861. 
Mr. Mayor, Ladies and Gentlemen: — Twenty-four 
hours ago, at the capital of Indiana, I said to myself, 
"I have never seen so many people assembled to- 
gether in winter weather." I am no longer able to 



PEN AND VOICE. 28 

say that. But it is what might reasonably have been 
expected — that this great city of Cincinnati would 
thus acquit herself on such an occasion. My friends, 
I am entirely overwhelmed by the magnificence of the 
reception which has been given, I will not say to me, 
but to the President-elect of the United States of 
America. Most heartily do I thank you, one and all, 
for it. I am reminded by the address of your worthy 
Mayor, that this reception is given not by one politi- 
cal party; and even if I had not been so reminded by 
His Honor, I could not have failed to know the fact 
by the extent of the multitude I see before me now. 
I could not look upon this vast assemblage without 
being made aware that all parties were united in this 
reception. This is as it should be. It is as it should 
have been if Senator Douglas had been elected ; it is 
as it should have been if Mr. Bell had been elected ; 
as it should have been if Mr. Breckinridge had been 
elected; as it should ever be when any citizen of the 
United States is constitutionally elected President of 
the United States. Allow me to say that I think 
what has occurred here to-day could not have oc- 
curred in any other country on the face of the globe, 
without the influence of the free institutions which 
we have unceasingly enjoyed for three-quarters of a 
century. 

There is no country where the people can turn out 
and enjoy this day precisely as they please, save under 
the benign influence of the free institutions of our 
land. 

I hope that, although we have some threatening 
national difficulties now, while these free institutions 



24 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 

shall continue to be in the enjoyment of millions of 
free people of the United States, Ave will see repeated 
eveiy four years what we now witness. 

In a few short years I and every other individual 
man who is now living will pass away. I hope that 
our national difficulties will also pass away, and I 
hope we shall see in the streets of Cincinnati — good 
old Cincinnati — for centuries to come, once every four 
years, the people give such a reception as this to the 
constitutionally elected President of the whole United 
States. I hope you will all join in that reception, 
and that you shall also welcome your brethren across 
the river to participate in it. We will welcome them 
in every state in the Union, no matter where they are 
from. From away South, we shall extend to them 
a cordial good will, when our present differences 
shall have been forgotten and blown to the winds 
forever. 

I have spoken but once before this in Cincinnati. 
That was a year previous to the late presidential elec- 
tion. On that occasion, in a playful manner, but with 
sincere words, I addressed much of what I said to the 
Kentuckians. I gave as my opinion that we, as Re- 
publicans, would ultimately beat them as Democrats, 
but that they could postpone that result longer by 
nominating Senator Douglas for the presidency than 
they could in any other way. They did not, in the 
true sense of the word nominate Douglas, and the 
result has come certainly as soon as I expected. I 
also told them how I expected they would be treated 
after they should have been beaten; and I now wish 
to call or recall their attention to what I then said 



PEN AND VOICE. 25 

upon that subject. I then said : " When we do, as we 
say, heat you, you perhaps will want to know what 
we will do with you. We mean to treat you as near 
as we possibly ran as Washington, Jefferson and 
Madison treated you. We mean to leave you alone, 
and in no way to interfere with your institutions, to 
abide by all and every compromise of the Constitu- 
tion; and, in a word, coming back to the original 
proposition to treat you as far as degenerated men, if 
we have degenerated, may, according to the examples 
of those noble fathers, Washington, Jefferson and 
Madison. We mean to remember that you are as 
good as we — that there is no difference between us — 
other than the difference of circumstances. We mean 
to recognize and bear in mind always that you have 
as good hearts in your bosoms as other people, or as 
good as we claim to have, and treat you accord- 
ingly." 

Fellow-citizens of Kentucky, friends, brethren : 
may T call you such? In my new position I see no 
occasion, and teel no inclination tc retract a word of 
this. If it shall not be made good, be assured that 
the fault shall not be mine. 

Speech at Columbus, February 13,1861. 
Mr. President and Mr. Speaker, and Gentlemen of the 
General Assembly : — It is true, as has been said by the 
president of the Senate, that very great responsibility 
rests upon me in the position to which the votes of 
the American people have called me. I am deeply 
sensible of that weighty responsibility. I can not but 
know what you all know, that without a name per- 
3 



26 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 

haps without a reason why I should have a name, 
there has fallen upon ine a task such as did not rest 
even upon the Father of his country, and so feeling I 
can not but turn and look for the support without 
which it will be impossible for me to perform that 
great task. I turn, then, and look to the great 
American people, and to that God who has never 
forsaken them. 

Allusion has been made to the interest felt in re- 
lation to the policy of the new administration. In 
this I have received from some a degree of credit for 
having kept silence, and from others some deprecia- 
tion. I still think that I was right. In the varying 
and repeatedly shifting scenes of the present, and 
without a precedent which could enable me to judge 
by the past, it has seemed fitting that before speaking 
upon the difficulties of the country, I should have 
gained a view of the whole field so as to be sure after 
all — at liberty to modify and change the course of 
policy as future events may make a change necessary. 
I have not maintained silence from any want of real 
anxiety. It is a good thing that there is no more 
than anxiety, for there is nothing going wrong. 

It is a consoling circumstance that when we look 
out, there is nothing that really hurts anybody. We 
entertain different views upon political questions, but 
nobody is suffering any thing. This is a most con- 
soling circumstance, and from it we may conclude_ 
that all we want is time, patience, and a reliance on 
God, who has never forsaken this people. Fellow. 
citizens, what I have said I have said altogether ex- 
temporaneously, and will now come to a close. 



pen and voice. 27 

Speech at Pittsburg, before the Mayor and Common 
Council, February 15, 1861. 

I most cordially thank his Honor Mayor Wilson 
and the citizens of Pittsburg generally, for their 
flattering reception. I am the more grateful because 
1 know that it is not given to me alone, but to the 
cause I represent, which clearly proves to me their 
good will, and that sincere feeling is at the bottom of 
it. And here I may remark, that in every short 
address I have made to the people, in every crowd 
through which I have passed, of late, some allusion 
has been made to the distracted condition of the 
country. It is natural to expect that I should say 
something on this subject ; but to touch upon it at all 
would involve an elaborate discussion of a great 
many questions and circumstances, requiring more 
time than I can at present command, and would, 
perhaps, commit me upon matters that have not yet 
fully developed themselves. The condition of the 
country is an extraordinary one, and fills the mind of 
every patriot with anxiety. It is my intention to 
give this subject all the consideration I possibly can, 
before specially deciding in regard to it, so that when 
I do speak it may be as nearly right as possible- 
When I do speak, I hope I may say nothing in 
opposition to the spirit of the Constitution, contrary 
to the integrity of the Union, or which will prove 
inimical to the liberties of the people or to the peace 
of the whole country. And, furthermore, when the 
time arrives for me to speak on this great subject, I 
hope I may say nothing to disappoint the people 



28 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 

generally throughout the country, especially if the 
expectation has been bused upon any thing which I 
may have heretofore said. Notwithstanding the 
troubles across the river [the speaker pointing south- 
wardly across the Monongahela, and smiling], there 
is no crisis but an artifical one. What is there now 
to warrant the condition of affairs presented by our 
friends over the river? Take even their own view 
of the questions involved, and there is nothing to 
justify the course they are pursuing. I repeat, then, 
there is no crisis, excepting such a one as may be 
gotten up at any time by turbulent men, aided by de- 
signing politicians. My advice to them, under such 
circumstances, is to keep cool. If the great American 
people only keep their temper on both sides of the 
line, the troubles will come to an end, and the ques- 
tion which now distracts the country will be settled, 
just as surely as all other difficulties of a like char- 
acter which have originated in this government have 
been adjusted. Let the people on both sides keep 
their self-possession, and just as other clouds have 
cleared away in due time, so will this great nation 
continue to prosper as heretofore. But, fellow- 
citizens, I have spoken longer on this subject than I 
intended at the outset. 

It is often said that the tariff is the specialty of 
Pennsylvania. Assuming that direct taxation is not 
to be adopted, the tariff question must be as durable 
:is the government itself. It is a question of national 
housekeeping. It is to the government what replen- 
ishing the meal-tub is to the family. 

Every varying circumstance will require frequent 



PEN AND VOICE. 29 

modifications as to the amount needed, and the 
sources of supply. So far there is little difference of 
opinion among the people. It is only whether, and 
how far, the duties on imports shall be adjusted to 
favor home productions. In the home market that 
controversy begins. One party insists that too much 
protection oppresses one class for the advantage of 
another, while the other party argues that with all its 
incidents, in the long run, all classes are benefited. 
In the Chicago platform there is a plank upon this 
subject, which should be a general law to the incom- 
ing administration. We should do neither more nor 
less than we gave people reason to believe we would 
when they gave us their votes. . . . 

In regard to the plank from Chicago platform, Mr. 
Lincoln resumed : As with all general propositions, 
doubtless there will be shades of difference in constru- 
ing this. I have by no means a thoroughly matured 
judgment upon this subject, especially as to details; 
some general ideas are about all. I have long* thought 
to produce any necessary article at home which can 
be made of as good quality and with as little labor at 
home as abroad, would be better policy, at least by 
the difference of the carrying from abroad. In such 
a ease the carrying is demonstrably a dead loss of 
labor. For instance, labor being the true standard of 
value, is it not plain that if equal labor gets a bar of 
railroad iron out of a mine in England, and another 
out of a mine in Pennsylvania, each can be laid down 
in a track at home cheaper than they could exchange 
countries, at least by the cost of carriage. If there 
be a present cause why one can be both made and 



30 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 

carried cheaper in money price than the other can be 
made without carrying, that cause is an unnatural 
and injurious one, and ought naturally, if not rapidly, 
to be removed. The condition of the treasury at this 
time would seem to render an early revision of the 
tariff indispensable. The Morrill Tariff bill, now 
pending before Congress, may or may not become a 
law. I am not posted as to its particular provisions, 
but if they are generally satisfactory and the bill shall 
now pass, there will be an end of the matter for the 
present. If, however, it shall not pass, I suppose the 
whole subject will be one of the most pressing 
and important for the next Congress. By the Con- 
stitution, the executive may recommend measures 
which he may think proper, and he may veto those 
he thinks improper, and it is supposed that he may 
add to these, certain indirect influences to affect the 
action of Congress. My political education strongly 
inclines me against a very free use of any of these 
means by the executive to control the legislation of 
the country. As a rule, I think it better that Con- 
gress should originate as well as perfect its measures 
without external bias. I, therefore, would rather 
recommend to every gentleman who knows he is to 
be a member of the next Congress, to take an enlarged 
view and inform himself thoroughly, so as to contrib- 
ute his part to such an adjustment of the tariff as 
shall prove sufficient revenue, and in its other bear- 
ings, so far as possible, be just and equal to all sections 
of the country and all classes of the people. 



PEN AND VOICE. 31 

At Albany, N. Y., February 18, 1861, frox\i the 
Steps of the Capitol. 

Mr. Governor : — I was pleased to receive an invita- 
tion to visit the capital of the great Empire State of 
the nation, on my way to the Federal Capital, and I 
now thank yon, Mr. Governor, and the people of this 
Capital, and the people of the State of New York, 
for this most hearty and magnificent welcome. 

If I am not at fault, the great Empire State at this 
time contains a greater population than did the United 
States of America, at the time she achieved her 
national independence. I am proud to he invited to 
pass through your Capital and meet them, as I now 
have the honor to do. 

I am notified hy your Governor that the reception 
is given without distinction of party. I accept it the 
more gladly because it is so. Almost all men in the 
country, and in any country where freedom of thought 
is tolerated, attach themselves to political parties. It 
is but ordinary charity to attribute this to the fact 
that in so attaching himself to the party which his 
judgment prefers, the citizen believes he thereby 
promotes the best interests of the whole country ; and 
when an election is passed, it is altogether befitting a 
free people that, until the next election, they should 
be as one people. The reception you have extended 
to me to-day is not given to me personally. 

It should not be so, but as the representative for 
the time being of the majority of the nation. 

If the election had resulted in the selection of either 
of the other candidates, the same cordiality should 



32 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 

have been extended to him as is extended to me this 
day, in testimony of the devotion of the whole people 
to the Constitution and the whole Union, and of their 
desire to perpetuate our institutions, and to hand them 
down in their perfection to succeeding generations. 
I have neither the voice nor the strength to address 
yon at any greater length. I beg you will accept my 
most grateful thanks for the devotion, not to me, but 
to this great and glorious free country. 

Afterward in the Assembly Hall as follows, Feb- 
ruary 18, 1861. 

Mr. President and Gentlemen of the Legislature of the 
State of New York: — It is with feelings of great diffi- 
dence, and, I may say, with feelings of awe, perhaps 
greater than I have recently experienced, that I meet 
you here in this place. 

The history of this great state, the renown of those 
great men who have stood here, and spoke here, 
and been heard here, all crowd around my fancy, 
and incline me to shrink from any attempt to address 
you. Yet I have some confidence given me by the 
generous manner in which you have invited me, and 
by the still more generous manner in which you have 
received me, to speak further. 

You have invited and received me without distinc- 
tion of party. I can not for a moment suppose that 
this has been done in any considerable degree with 
reference to my personal services, but that it is done 
in so far as I am regarded at this time, as the repre- 
sentative of the majesty of the great nation. I 



PEN AND VOICE. 33 

doubt not this is the truth, and the whole truth, of 
the case, and this is as it should be. 

It is much more gratifying to me that this recep- 
tion has been given to me as the representative of a 
free people, than it. could possibly be if tendered as an 
evidence of devotion to me, or to any one man per- 
sonally. 

And now I think it were more fitting that I should 
close these hasty remarks. 

It is true that, Avhile I hold myself, without mock 
modesty, the humblest of all individuals that have 
ever been elevated to the Presidency, I have a more 
difficult task to perform than any one of them. 

You have generously tendered me the united sup- 
port of the great Empire State. For this, in behalf 
of the nation — in behalf of the present and future of 
the nation— in behalf of civil and religious liberty for 
all time to come, most gratefully do I thank you. , I 
do not propose to enter into an explanation of any 
particular line of policy, as to our present difficulties, 
to be adopted by the incoming administration. 

I deem it just to you, to myself, and to all, that I 
should see every tiling, that I should hear every 
thing, that I should have every light that can be 
brought within my reach, in order that when I do 
so speak, I shall have enjoyed every opportunity to 
take correct and true grounds ; and for this reason I 
don't propose to speak, at this time, of the policy of 
the government. But when the time comes I shall 
speak, as well as I am able, for the good of the 
present and future of the country— for the good both 
of the North and the South of this country— for the 



34 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 

good of the one and the other, and of all sections of 
the country. [Rounds of applause.] In the mean- 
time, if we have patience, if we restrain ourselves, if 
we allow ourselves not to run off in a passion, I still 
have confidence that the Almighty, the maker of the 
universe, will, through the instrumentality of this 
great and intelligent people, bring us through this as 
He has through all the other difficulties of our country. 
Relying on this, I again thank you for this generous 
reception. 

The President elect en route from Albany to New 
York. Speech at Troy, February 18, 1861. 
Mr. Mayor and Ladies and Gentlemen of the city of 
Troy: — I can not fail to remark to you here that, 
since I entered upon this journey from my home to 
the Federal Capital, I have never seen a meeting so 
compact and yet so good-natured as the one before 
which I now stand. I thank you for this reception. 
I thank you, because it is a demonstration made 
without distinction of party. I appear before you 
that I may see you and you see me; but with the 
large attendance of the fair who face this vast assem- 
blage, I must say I have the best of the bargain. 
Having said this much in response to your cordial 
greeting, I will now bid you farewell. 

Speech at Hudson, K Y., February 19, 1861. 

Fellow -citizens : — I see that you are providing a 

platform for me. I shall have to decline standing 

upon it, because the President of the company [Mr. 

Sloane] tells me that I shall not have time to wait 



PEN AND VOICE. 35 

until it is brought to me. As I said yesterday under 
similar circumstances to another gathering, you must 
not draw any inference that I have any intention of 
deserting any platform of which I have any legiti- 
mate connection because I do not stand on yours. 
Allow me to thank you for this splendid reception, 
and I now bid you farewell. 

Speech at Poughkeepsie, N. Y., February 10, 1861. 
It is altogether impossible that I make myself 
heard by any considerable proportion of this vast as- 
semblage. I am grateful for this cordial welcome, and 
I am gratified that this immense multitude has come 
together, not to meet the individual man, but the 
man who, for the time being, will humbly but earn- 
estly represent the majesty of the nation. These 
receptions have been given me at other places, and as 
here, by men of different parties, and not by one 
party alone. It shows an earnest effort on the part 
of all to save, not the country, for the country can 
save itself, but to save the institutions of the country 
— those institutions under which, for at least three- 
quarters of a century, we have become the greatest, 
the most intelligent, and the happiest people in the 
world. These manifestations show that we all make 
common cause for these objects ; that if some of them 
are successful in an election and others are beaten, 
those who are beaten are not in favor of sinking the 
ship in consequence of defeat, but are earnest in their 
purpose to sail it safely through the voyage in hand, 
and, in so far as they may think there has been any 
mistake in the election, satisfying themselves to take 



36 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 

their chance at setting the matter right the next 
time. That course is entirely right. I am not sure — 
I do not pretend to be sure — that in the selection of 
the individual who has been elected this term, the 
wisest choice has been made. I fear it has not. 
In the purposes and in the principles that have 
been sustained, I have been the instrument selected 
to carry forward the affairs of this government. I 
can rely upon you, and upon the people -of the coun- 
try; and with their sustaining hand I think that 
even I shall not fail in carrying the ship of state 
through the storm. I have only time, in conclu- 
sion, to bid you an affectionate farewell. 

Speech at Fishkill Landing, N. Y., Feb. 19, 1861. 
I appear before yon not to make a speech. I have 
no sufficient time, if I had the strength, to repeat 
speeches at every station where the people kindly 
gather to welcome me as we go along. If I had the 
strength and should take the time, I should not get 
to Washington until after inauguration, which you 
must be aware would not fit exactly. That such an 
untoward event might not transpire, I know you will 
readily forego any further remarks. 

Speech at Feekskill, N. Y., February 19, 1861. 

I have but a moment to stand before you and thank 
you for this cordial reception tendered by your au- 
thorities. In regard to the difficulties that lie before 
me, and to which your president has alluded, let me 
say that if I shall only be as generously and unani- 
mously sustained as this meeting would seem to indi- 



PEN AND VOICE. 37 

cate I shall be, in my management of public affairs, 
I shall probably not fail; but without that sustaining 
arm I am quite sure that the difficulties that lie before 
me will not only be too great for my humble self, but 
too great for any individual man. I thank you, then, 
as I have thanked the assembled thousands upon va- 
rious occasions as I have passed along my route, for 
such demonstrations, which, if they mean any thing, 
mean that I shall be supported, not only by the party 
who gave me the election, but by the free, intelligent 
and earnest support of all the parties in the country. 

Speech at New York City, February 20, 1861. 

I am rather an old man to avail myself of such 
excuses as I am now about to do; yet the truth is so 
distinct and presses so distinctly upon me, that I can 
not well avoid it — that is, that I did not understand, 
when I was brought into this room, that I w T as to 
make a speech. It was not intimated to me that I 
was brought into a room where Daniel Webster 
and Henry Clay had made speeches, and where I, in 
my position, am expected to do something like those 
men, or at least say something worthy of myself. 
I, therefore, beg you to make allowance for the cir- 
cumstances under which I have been by surprise 
brought before you. I have been very much in the 
habit of thinking and sometimes speaking on the 
questions that have agitated the people. If I were 
disposed to do so, and we were to take up some of the 
issues, and I was called upon to make an argument, I 
could do it without much deliberation. But that is 
not what you desire to have done here tonight. I 



38 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 

have been occupying the position since election, of 
6ilence — of avoiding public speaking. I have been 
doing so because I thought, upon due consideration, 
that was the proper course for me to take. I am 
brought before you now to make a speech, while you 
all approve, more than any thing else, that I have 
been keeping silence. 

It seems to me the response you give to that remark 
ought to justify me in closing right here. 

I have not kept silence since the presidential elec- 
tion from any party craftiness or from any indiffer- 
ence to anxieties that pervade the minds of men in 
this country. I have kept silence for the reason that 
it was peculiarly proper for me to wait until the time 
should come when, according to the custom of the 
country, I would speak officially. I hear some one 
say, " according to the custom of the country." I 
allude to the custom, on the president's taking the 
oath of office, of his declairing what course he thinks 
should be pursued. That is what I mean. The 
political drama acting before the country at this time 
is rapidly shifting its scenes. It was eminently fitting 
that I should wait till the last minute; so that I could 
chose a position from which I should not be obliged 
to deviate. 

I have said several times on this journey, and now 
repeat to you, I shall then take the ground that I 
think is right — the ground that I shall then think 
right' for the North, the South, the East, the West, 
and the whole country. And in doing so, I hope to 
feel no necessity pressing upon me to say any thing in 
conflict with the Constitution, in conflict with the 



PEN AND VOICE. 39 

continued union of these United States, in conflict 
with the liberty of the people, nor any thing in con- 
flict with any thing whatever I have given yon reason 
to expect from me. Now, my friends, have I not said 
enough ? Now, my friends, there is a difference of 
opinion between you and me, and I insist on deciding 
the question. 

Speech at Trenton, N. J., February 21, 1861, before 
the Senate. 

Mr. President, and Gentlemen of the Senate of the 
State oj New Jersey: — I am very grateful to you for 
the honorable reception of which I have been the ob- 
ject. I can not but remember the place that New 
Jersey holds in our curly history. In the early revo- 
lutionary struggle, few of the states among the old 
thirteen had more of the battle field of the country 
within their limits than old New Jersey. May I be 
pardoned if, upon this occasion, I mention that away 
back in my childhood, the earliest days of my being 
able to read, I got hold of a small book, such a one 
as few of the younger members have ever seen, 
"Weems's Life of Washington." I remember all the 
accounts then given of the battle fields and struggles 
for the liberties of the country, and none fixed them- 
selves upon my imagination so deeply as the struggle 
here at Trenton, New Jersey. 

The crossing of the river; the contest with the 
Hessians; the great hardships endured at that time, 
all fixed themselves in my memory, more than any 
single revolutionary event; and you all know, for you 
have all been boys, how these early impressions last 



40 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 

longer than any others. I recollect thinking then, 
boy even though I was, that there must have been 
something more than common that these men strug- 
gled for. I am exceedingly anxious that that thing 
which they struggled for; that something even more 
than national independence; that something that 
held out a great promise to all the people of the 
world in all time to come — I am exceedingly anxious 
that the Union, the Constitution, and the liberties of 
the people shall be perpetuated in accordance with 
the original idea for which that struggle was made, 
and I shall be most happy indeed if I shall be an 
humble instrument in the hands of the Almighty, and 
of these, his most chosen people, as the chosen instru- 
ment — also in th'e hands of the Almighty — for per- 
petuating the object of that great struggle. You 
give me this reception, as I understand, without dis- 
tinction of party. I learn that this body is composed 
of a majority of gentlemen who, in the exercise of 
their best judgment in the choice of a chief magis- 
trate, did not think I was the man. I understand, 
nevertheless, that they came forward here to greet me 
as the constitutional President of the United States 
— as citizens of the United States, to meet the man 
who, for the time being, is the representative man of 
the nation — united by a purpose to perpetuate the 
Union and liberties of the people. 

As such, I accept the reception more gratefully 
than I could do did I believe it was tendered to 
me as an individual. 



pen and voice. 41 

Speech at Philadelphia, Pa., February 22, 1861. 

I am filled with deep emotion at finding myself 
standing here, in this place, where were collected the 
wisdom, the patriotism, the devotion to principle, 
from which sprang the institution under which Ave 
live. You have kindly suggested to me that in my 
hands is the task of restoring peace to the present 
distracted condition of the country. I can say in re- 
turn, sir, that all the political sentiments I entertain 
have been drawn, so far as I have been able to draw 
them, from the sentiments which originated and were 
given to the world from this hall. I have never had 
a feeling, politically, that did not spring from the 
sentiments embodied in the Declaration of Independ- 
ence. I have pondered over the toils that were en- 
dured by the officers and soldiers of the army who 
achieved that independence. I have often inquired 
of myself what great principle or idea it was that 
kept this confederacy so long together. It was not 
the mere matter of the separation of the colonies from 
the mother-land, but that sentiment in the Declaration 
of Independence which gave liberty not alone to the 
people of this country, but, I hope, to the world for 
all future time. It was that which gave promise that 
in due time the weight would be lifted from the 
shoulders of all men. This is a sentiment embodied 
in the Declaration of Independence Xow, my 
friends, can the country be saved upon this basis ? If 
it can, I will consider myself one of the happiest men 
in the world if I can help to save it. If it can not be 
saved upon that principle, it will be truly awful. 
4 



42 ABRAHAM LINCOLN^ 

But if this country can not be saved without giving 
up that principle, I was about to say I would rather 
be assassinated on this spot than surrender it. Now, 
in my view of the present aspect of affairs, there need 
be no bloodshed or war. There is no necessity for it. 
I am not in favor of such a course; and I may say, in 
advance, that there will be no bloodshed unless it will 
be forced upon the government, and then it will be 
compelled to act in self-defense. 

Speech before the Legislature of Pennsylvania at 
Harrisburg, Pa., February 22, 1861. 

I appear before you only for a very few, brief re- 
marks, in response to what has been said to me. I 
thank you most sincerely for this reception and the 
generous words in which support has been promised 
me upon this occasion. I thank your great common- 
wealth for the overwhelming support it recently 
gave, not me personally, but the cause which I think 
a great one, in the late election. Allusion has been 
made to the fact — the interesting fact, perhaps, we 
should say — that I for the first time appear at the 
capital of the great Commonwealth of Pennsylvania 
upon the birthday of the Father of this country, in 
connection with that beloved anniversary connected 
with the history of this country. 

I have already gone through one exceedingly inter- 
esting scene this morning in the ceremonies at Phila- 
delphia. 

Under the high conduct of gentlemen, thus I was 
for the first time allowed the privilege of standing in 
old Independence Hall [enthusiastic cheering] to 



PEN AND VOICE. 43 

have a few words addressed to me there, and opening 
up to me an opportunity of expressing, with much re- 
gret, that I had not more time to express something 
of my own feelings, excited by the occasion, some- 
what to harmonize and give shape to the feelings that 
had been really the feelings of my whole life. Besides 
this, my friends there had provided a magnificent flag 
of the country. They had arranged it so that I was 
given the honor of raising it to the head of its staff. 
And when it went up I was pleased that it went to its 
place by the strength of my own feeble arm, when 
according to the arrangement, the cord was pulled, 
and it floated gloriously to the wind, without an acci- 
dent, in the light, glowing sunshine of the morning, 
I could not help hoping that there was, in the entire 
success of that beautiful ceremony, at least something 
of an omen of what is to come. [Loud applause.] 
How could I help feeling then as I often have felt'.'' 
In the whole of that proceeding I was a very humble 
instrument. I had not provided the flag ; I had not 
made the arrangement for elevating it to its place ; I 
had applied but a very small portion of my feeble 
strength in raising it. In the whole transaction I 
was m the hands of the people who had arranged it, 
and if I can have the same generous co-operation of 
the people of the nation, I think the flag of our 
country may still be kept flaunting gloriously. [Loud 
enthusiastic and continued cheering.] I recrr for a 
moment but to repeat some words uttered at the 
hotel, in regard to what has been said about the mili- 
tary support which the general government may ex- 



44 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 

pect from the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania in a 
proper emergency. 

To guard against any possible mistake do I recur 
to this. It is not with any pleasure that I contem- 
plate the possibility that a necessity may arise in this 
country for the use of the military arm. [Applause.] 
While I am exceedingly gratified to see the manifes- 
tations upon your streets of your military force here, 
and exceedingly gratified at your promises here to use 
that force upon a proper emergency — while I make 
these acknowledgments, I desire to repeat, in order to 
preclude any possible misconstruction, that I do most 
sincerely hope that we shall have no use for them. 
[Applause.] That it will never become their duty to 
shed blood, and most especially never to shed fraternal 
blood, I promise that, so far as I may have wisdom to 
direct, if so painful a result shall anywise be brought 
about, it shall be through no fault of mine. [Cheers.] 

Allusion has also been made by one of your honored 
speakers to some remarks made by myself at Pitts- 
burg, in regard to what is supposed to be the especial 
interest of this great Commonwealth of Pennsylvania. 

I now wish only to say, in regard to that matter } 
that the few remarks which I uttered on that occa- 
sion were rather carefully worded. I took pains that 
they should be so. I have seen no occasion since to 
add to them, or subtract from them. I leave them 
precisely as they stand [applause] adding only now 
that I am pleased to have an expression from you, 
gentlemen of Pennsylvania, significant that they are 
satisfactory to you. And now, gentlemen of the 
General Assembly of the Commonwealth of Pennsyl- 



PEN AND VOICE. 45 

vania, allow me to return you again my most sincere 
thanks. 

Lincoln's Own Statement op How He Entered "Wash- 
ington, D. C, February 23, 1861. 

I arrived at Philadelphia on the 21st. I agreed to 
stop over night, and on the following morning to 
hoist the flag over Independence Hall. In the even- 
ing there was a great crowd where I received my 
friends, at the Continental Hotel. Mr. Judd, a warm 
personal friend from Chicago, sent for me to come to 
his room. I went, and found there Mr. Pinkerton, a 
skillful police detective, also from Chicago, whd had 
been employed for some days in Baltimore, watching 
and searching for suspicions persons there. Pinker- 
ton informed me that a plan had been laid for my as- 
sassination, the exact time when I expected to go 
through Baltimore being publicly known. He was 
well informed as to the plan, hut did not know that 
the conspirators would have pluck enough to execute 
it. lie urged me to go right through with him to 
Washington that night. I didn't like that. I had 
made engagements to visit Harrisburg, and go from 
there to Baltimore, and I resolved to do so. I could 
notbelieve that there was a plot to murder me. I made 
arrangements, however, with Mr. Judd for my return 
to Philadelphia the next night, if I should lie con- 
vinced that there was danger in going through Balti- 
more. I told him if I should meet at Harrisburg, as 
I had at other places, a delegation to go with me to 
the next place (then Baltimore), I should feel safe and 
go on. When I was making my way back to my 



46 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 

room, through crowds of people, I met Frederick 
Seward. We went together to my room, when he 
told me that he had heen sent, at the instance of his 
father and General Scott, to inform me that their de- 
tectives in Baltimore had discovered a plot to assas- 
sinate me. They knew nothing of Pinkerton's move- 
ments. I now believed such a plot to be in existence. 
The next morning I raised the flag over Independence 
Hall, and then went on to Harrisburg with Mr. Sum- 
ner, Major (now General) Hunter, Mr. Judd, Mr. La- 
mon, and others. There I met the Legislature and 
people, dined, and waited until the time appointed for 
me to leave. In the meantime, Mr. Judd had so se- 
cured the telegraph that no communication could 
pass to Baltimore and give the conspirators knowl- 
edge of a change in my plans. In New York some 
friend had given me a new heaver lint in a box, and 
in it had placed a soft wool hat. I had never worn 
one of the latter in my life. I had this box in my 
room. Having informed a very few friends of the 
secret of my new movements, and the cause, I put on 
an old overcoat I had with me, and putting the soft 
hat in my pocket, I walked out of the house at a hack 
door, bareheaded, and without exciting any special 
curiosity. Then I put on the soft hat and joined my 
friends without being recognized by strangers, for I 
was not the same man. Sumner and Hunter wished 
to accompany me. I said no; you are known, and 
your presence might betray me. I will only take La- 
raoti (now marshal of this district), whom nobody 
knew, and Mr. Judd. Sumner and Hunter felt hurt. 
We went back to Philadelphia, and found a message 



PEN AND VOICE 47 

there from Pinkerton (who had returned to Balti- 
more), that the conspirators had held their final meet- 
ing that evening-, and it was doubtful whether they 
had the nerve to attempt the execution of their pur- 
pose. I went on, however, as the arrangement had 
been made, in a special train. We were not long in 
the station at Baltimore. I heard people talking 
around, hut no one particularly observed me. At an 
early hour on Saturday morning, at about the time I 
was expected to leave Harrisburg, I arrived in Wash- 
ington. 

Speech at Washington, February 28, 1861, in Re- 
sponse to a Serenade by Republican Associations. 

My friends: — I suppose that I may take this as a 
compliment paid to me, and as such please accept my 
thanks for it. I have reached this city of Washing- 
ton under circumstances considerably differing from 
those under which any other man ever reached it. I 
I am here for the purpose of taking an official posi- 
tion amongst the people, almost all of whom were 
politically opposed to me, and are yet opposed to me, 
as I suppose. 

I propose no lengthy address to you. I only pro- 
pose to say, as I did yesterday, when your w r orthy 
Mayor and Board of Aldermen called upon me, that 
I thought much of the ill-feeling that has existed be- 
tween you and the people of your surroundings, and 
that people from among whom I came, has depended, 
and now depends, upon a misunderstanding. 

I hope that if things shall go along as prosperously 
as I believe we all desire they may, I may have it in 



48 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 

ray power to remove something of the misunderstand- 
ing; that I may he enabled to convince you, and the 
people of your section of the country, that we regard 
you as in all things our equals, and in all things en- 
titled to the same respect and the same treatment that 
we claim for ourselves ; that we are in nowise dis- 
posed, if it were in our power to oppress you, to de- 
prive you of any of your rights under the Constitu- 
tion of the United States, or over- narrowly to split 
hairs with you in regard to these rights, but are de- 
termined to give you, as far as lies in our hands, all 
your rights under the Constitution — not grudgingly, 
but fully and fairly. (Applause). I hope that, by 
thus dealing with you, we will become better ac- 
quainted, and be better friends. 

And now, with these few remarks, and again re- 
turning my thanks for this compliment, and express- 
ing my desire to hear a little more of your good music, 
I bid you good-night. 

Inaugural Address at "Washington, D. C, 
March 4, 1861. 

Fellow Citizens of the United States : — In compli- 
ance with a custom as old as the government itself, I 
appear before you to address you briefly, and to take, 
in your presence, the oath prescribed by the Constitu- 
tion of the United States, to be taken by the presi- 
dent before he enters on the execution of his office. 

I do not consider it necessary, at present, for me to 
discuss those matters of administration about which 
there is no special anxiety or excitement. Apprehen- 
sion seems to exist among the people of the Southern 



PEN AND VOICE. 49 

Slates, that by the accession of a Republican adminis- 
tration, their property and their peace and personal 
security are to be endangered. There has never been 
any reasonable cause for such apprehension. Indeed, 
the most ample evidence to the contrary has all the 
while existed, and been open to their inspection. It 
is found in nearly all the published speeches of him 
who now addresses you. I do but quote from one of 
those speeches, when I declare that "I have no pur 
poses directly or indirectly, to interfere with the in- 
stitution of slavery, in the states where it exists." I 
believe I have no lawful right to do so, and I have 
no inclination to do so. Those who nominated and 
elected me did so with the full knowledge that I had 
made this and many similar declarations, and had 
never recanted them. And, more than this, they 
placed in the platform for my acceptance, and as a law 
to themselves and to me, the clear and emphatic reso- 
lution which I now read: — 

"Hesolved, that the maintainance inviolate of the 
rights of the states, and especially the right of each 
state to order and control its own domestic institu- 
tions according to its own judgment exclusively, is 
essential to that balance of power on which the per- 
fection and endurance of our political fabric depend; 
and we denounce the lawless invasion by armed force 
of the soil of any state or territory, no matter under 
what pretext, as among the gravest of crimes." 

I now reiterate these sentiments, and, in doing so, I 
only press upon the public attention the most conclu- 
sive evidence of which the case is susceptible, that the 
property, peace and security of no section are to 
5 



50 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 

be in any wise endangered by the now incoming 
administration. 

I add, too, that all the protection which, consis- 
tently with the Constitution and the laws, can be 
given, will be cheerfully given to all the states, when 
lawfully demanded, for- whatever cause, as cheerfully 
to one section as to another. There is much contro- 
versy about the delivering up of fugitives from serv- 
ice or labor. The clause I now read is as plainly 
written in the Constitution as any other of its pro- 
visions: 

"No person held to service or labor in one state 
under the laws thereof, escaping into another, shall, 
in consequence of any law or regulation therein, be 
discharged from such service or labor, but shall be de- 
livered up on claim of the party to whom such service 
or labor may be due." 

It is scarcely questioned that this provision was in- 
tended by those who made it for the reclaiming of 
what we call fugitive slaves ; and the intention of the 
law-giver is the law. 

All members of Congress swear their support to the 
whole Constitution, — to this provision as well as any 
other. To the proposition then that slaves whose 
cases come within the terms of this clause, " shall be 
delivered up," their oaths are unanimous. Now, if 
they would make the effort in good temper, could 
they not, with nearly equal unanimity, frame and 
pass a law by means of which to keep good that 
unanimous oath ? 

There is some difference of opinion whether this 
clause should be enforced by national or by state au- 



PEN AND VOICE. 51 

thority; but surely that difference is not a very ma- 
terial one. If the slave is to be surrendered, it can be 
of but little consequence to him or to others by which 
authority it is done, and should any one in any case 
be content that this oath shall go unkept on a merely 
unsubstantial controversy, as to how it shall be kept? 

Again, in any law upon this subject, ought not all 
the safe-guards of liberty known in civilized and hu- 
mane jurisprudence to be introduced, so that a free 
man be not, in any case, surrendered as a slave ? And 
might it not be well at the same time to provide by 
law for the enforcement of that clause in the Consti- 
tution which guarantees that "the citizens of each 
state shall be entitled to all the privileges and immu- 
nities of citizens in the several states?" 

I take the official oath to-day with no mental reser- 
vations, and with no purpose to construe the Consti- 
tution or laws by any hypercritical rules; and, while 
I do not chose now to specify particular acts of Con- 
gress as proper to be enforced, I do suggest that 
it will be much safer for all, both in official and pri- 
vate stations, to conform to and abide by all those 
acts which stand unrepealed, than to violate any of 
them, trusting to find impunity in having them held 
to be unconstitutional. 

It is seventy-two years since the first inauguration 
of a president under our national Constitution. Dur- 
ing that period, fifteen different and very distinguished 
citizens have in succession administered the executive 
branch of the government. They have conducted it 
through many perils, and generally with great suc- 
cess. Yet, with all this scope for precedent, I now 



52 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 

enter upon the same task, for the brief constitutional 
term of four years, under great and peculiar difficul- 
ties. 

A disruption of the Federal Union, heretofore only 
menaced, is now formidably attempted. I hold, that, 
in the contemplation of universal law and the Con- 
stitution, the union of these states is perpetual. Per- 
petuity is implied, if not expressed, in the fundamental 
law of all national governments. It is safe to assert 
that no government proper ever had a provision in its 
organic law for its own termination. Continue to 
execute all the express provisions of our national 
Constitution, and the Union will endure forever; it 
being impossible to destroy it, except by some action 
not provided for in the instrument itself. Again, if 
the United States be not a government proper, but 
an association of states in the nature of a contract 
merely, can it, as a contract, be peaceably unmade by 
less than all the parties who made it ? One party to 
a contract may violate it — break it, so to speak ; but 
does it not require all to lawfully rescind it? De- 
scending from these general principles, we find the 
proposition that in legal contemplation the Union is 
perpetual, confirmed by the history of the Union in 
itself. 

The Union is much older than the Constitution. 
It was formed, in fact, by the Articles of Association 
in 1774. It was matured and continued in the Decla- 
ration of Independence in 1776. It was further 
matured, and the faith of all the then thirteen states 
expressly plighted and engaged that it should be 
perpetual, by the Articles of Confederation, in 1778 ; 



PEN AND VOICE. 53 

and, finally, in 1787, one of the declared objects for 
ordaining and establishing the Constitution was to 
form a more perfect Union. But, if the destruction 
of the Union by one or by a part only of the states 
be lawfully possible, the Union is less than before, 
the Constitution having lost the vital element of 
perpetuity. 

It follows from these views that no state, upon its 
own mere motion, can lawfully get out of the Union; 
that resolves and ordinances to that effect are legally 
void; and that acts of violence within any state or 
states against the authority of the United States, are 
insurrectionary or revolutionary according to circum- 
stances. I therefore consider, that, in view of the 
Constitution and the laws, the Union is unbroken: 
and, to the extent of my ability I shall take care, as 
the Constitution itself expressly enjoins upon me, 
that the laws of the Union shall be faithfully executed 
in all the states. Doing this, which I deem to be only 
a simple duty on my part, I shall perfectly perform 
it so far as is practicable, unless my rightful masters, 
the American people, shall withhold the requisite 
power, or in some authoritative manner direct the 
contrary. I trust this will not be regarded as a 
menace, but only as the declared purpose of the 
Union that it will constitutionally defend and main- 
tain itself. In doing this, there need be no bloodshed 
nor violence ; and there shall be none unless it is 
forced upon the national authority. The power con- 
fided to me will be used to hold, occupy, and possess the 
property and places belonging to the Government, and 
collect the duties and imposts; but, beyond what may 



54 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 

be necessary for these objects, there will be no inva- 
sion, no using of force against or among the people 
anywhere. 

Where hostility to the United States shall be so 
great and so universal as to prevent competent resi- 
dent citizens from holding the Federal offices, there 
will be no attempt to force obnoxious strangers among 
the people for that object. While the strict legal 
right may exist of the Government to enforce the 
exercise of these offices, the attempt to do so would 
be so irritating, and so nearly impracticable withal, 
that I deem it better to forego for the time the uses 
of such offices. 

The mails, unless repelled, will continue to be furn- 
ished in all parts of the Union. 

So far as possible, the people every-where shall have 
that sense of perfect security which is most favorable 
to calm thought and reflection. 

The course here indicated will be followed, unless 
current events and experience shall show a modifica- 
tion or change to be proper; and in every case and 
exigency my best discretion will be exercised accord- 
ing to the circumstances actually existing, and with 
a view and hope of a peaceful solution of the national 
troubles, and the restoration of fraternal sympathies 
and affections. That there are persons in one section 
or another, who seek to destroy the Union at all 
events, and are glad of any pretext to do it, I will 
neither affirm nor deny. But, if there be such, I need 
address no word to them. 

To those, however, who really love the Union, may 
I not speak ? Before entering upon so grave a matter 



PEN AND VOICE. 55 

as the destruction of our national fabric, with all its 
benefits, its memories, and its hopes, would it not be 
well to ascertain why we do it? Will you hazard so 
desperate a step, while any portion of the ills you fly 
from have no real existence ? Will you, while the 
certain ills you fly to are greater than all the real 
ones you fly from ? Will you risk the commission of 
so fearful a mistake ? All profess to be content in 
the Union if all constitutional rights can be main- 
tained. Is it true, then, that any right, plainly written 
in the Constitution, has been denied ? I think not. 
Happily the human mind is so constituted, that no 
party can reach to the audacity of doing this. 

Think, if you can, of a single instance in which a 
plainly written provision of the Constitution has ever 
been denied. If, by the mere force of numbers, a 
majority should deprive a minority of any clearly 
written constitutional right, it might, in a moral point 
of view, justify revolution ; it certainly would, if such 
right were a vital one. But such is not our case. 

All the vital rights of minorities and of individuals 
are so plainly assured to them by affirmations and 
negations, guarantees and prohibitions, in the Con- 
stitution, that controversies never arise concerning 
them. But no organic law can ever be framed with 
a provision specifically applicable to every question 
which may occur in practical administration. No 
foresight can anticipate, nor any document of reason- 
able length contain, express provision for all possible 
questions. Shall fugitives from labor be surrendered 
by National or by state authority ? The Constitution 
does not expressly say. Must Congress protect slavery 



56 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 

in the territories ? The Constitution does not ex- 
pressly say. From questions of this class spring all 
our constitutional controversies, and we divide upon 
them into majorities and minorities. If the minority 
will not acquiesce, the majority must, or the govern- 
ment must cease. There is no alternative for con- 
tinuing the government but acquiescence on the one 
side or the other. 

If a minority, in such a case, will secede rather 
than acquiesce, they make a precedent which in turn 
will ruin and divide them; for a minority of their 
own will secede from them, whenever a majority re- 
fuses to he controlled by such a minority. For 
instance, why not any portion of a new confederacy, n 
year or two hence, arbitrarily secede again, precisely 
as portions of the present Union now claim to secede 
from it? All who cherish disunion sentiments are 
now being educated to the exact temper of doing this. 
Is there such perfect identity of interests among the 
states to compose a new Union as to produce harmony 
only, and prevent renewed secession ? Plainly, the 
central idea of secession is the essence of anarchy. 

A majority held in restraint by constitutional check 
and limitation and always changing easily with delib- 
erate changes of popular opinions and sentiments, is 
the only true sovereign of a free people. "Whoever 
rejects it does, of necessity, fly to anarchy or to despot- 
ism. Unanimity is impossible : the rule of a minority 
as a permanent arrangement, is wholly inadmissible • 
so that, rejecting the majority principle, anarchy or 
despotism in some form is all that is left. 

I do not forget the position assumed by some, that 



PEN AND VOICE. 57 

Constitutional questions are to be decided by the 
Supreme Court, nor do I deny that such decisions 
must be binding in any case upon the parties to a 
suit, as to the object to that suit; while they are also 
entitled to very high respect and consideration in all 
parallel cases by other departments of the govern- 
ment ; and, while it is obviously possible that such 
decision maybe erroneous in any given case, still, the 
evil effect following it, being limited to that particular 
case, with the chance that it may be overruled and 
never become a precedent for other cases, can better 
be borne than could the evils of a different practice. 

At the same time, the candid citizen must confess 
that, if the policy of the government upon the vital 
questions affecting the whole people is to be irrevoc- 
ably fixed by the decisions of the Supreme Court the 
instant they are made, as in ordinary litigation be- 
tween parties in personal actions, the people will have 
ceased to be their own masters, having to that extent 
practically resigned their government into the hands 
of that eminent tribunal. 

Nor is there in this view any assault upon the court 
or the judges. It is a duty from which they may not 
shrink, to decide cases properly brought before them ; 
and it is no fault of theirs if others seek to turn their 
decisions to political purposes. One section of our 
country believes that slavery is right and ought to be 
extended, while the other believes it is wrong, and 
ought not to be extended; and this is the only sub- 
stantial dispute. And the fugutive-slave clause of the 
Constitution, and the law for the suppression of the 
foreign slave trade^ are each as well enforced, per- 



58 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 

haps, as any law can ever be in a community where 
the moral sense of the people imperfectly supports the 
law itself. The great body of the people abide by the 
dry, legal obligation in both cases, and a few break 
over in each. 

This, I think, can not be perfectly cured; and it 
would be worse in both cases after the separation of 
the sections than before. The foreign slave trade, 
now imperfectly suppressed, would be ultimately re- 
vived, without restriction, in one section; while fugi- 
tive slaves, now only partially surrendered, would not 
be surrendered at all by the other. 

Physically speaking, we can not separate; we can- 
not move our respective sections from each other, nor 
build an impassable wall between them. A husband 
and wife may be divorced, and go out of the presence 
and beyond the reach of each other ; but the different 
parts of our country can not do this. They can not 
but remain face to face ; and intercourse, either amic- 
able or hostile, must continue between them. Is it 
possible, then, to make that intercourse more advan- 
tageous or more satisfactory after separation than be- 
fore ? Can aliens make treaties easier than friends 
can make laws ? Can treaties be more faithfully en- 
forced between aliens than laws can among friends? 
Suppose you go to war, you can not tight always ', 
and when, after much loss on both sides, and no gain 
on either, you cease lighting, the identical questions 
as to terms of intercourse are again upon you. 

This country, with its institutions, belongs to the 
people who inhabit it. Whenever they shall grow 
weary of the existing government, they can exercise 



PEN AND VOICE. 59 

their constitutional right of amending, or their revo- 
lutionary right to dismember or overthrow it. I can 
not be ignorant of the fact, that many worthy and 
patriotic citizens are desirous of having the national 
Constitution amended. While I make no recommen- 
dation of amendment, I fully recognize the full au- 
thority of the people over the whole subject, to be 
exercised in either of the modes prescribed in the 
instrument itself; and I should, under existing cir- 
cumstances, favor rather than oppose a fair oppor- 
tunity being afforded the people to act upon it. 

I will venture to add, that to me the convention 
mode seems preferable, in that it allows amendments 
to originate with the people themselves, instead of 
only permitting them to take or reject propositions 
originated by others not especially chosen for the pur- 
pose, and which might not be precisely such as they 
would wish either to accept or refuse. I understand 
that a proposed amendment to the Constitution 
[which amendment, however, I have not seen] has 
passed Congress, to the effect that the Federal govern- 
ment shall never interfere with the domestic institu- 
tions of states, including that of persons held to ser- 
vice. To avoid misconstruction of what I have said, 
I depart from my purpose not to speak of particular 
amendments so far as to say, that, holding such a pro- 
vision to now be implied constitutional law, I have, 
no objection to its being made express and irrevoc- 
able. The chief magistrate derives all his authority 
from the people, and they have conferred none upon 
him to fix the terms for the separation of the states. 
The people, themselves, also can do this if they 



60 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 

choose; but the Executive, as such, has nothing to do 
with it. His duty is to administer the present govern- 
ment as it came to his hands, and to transmit it unim- 
paired by him to his successor. 

"Why should there not be a patient confidence in 
the ultimate justice of the people? Is there any 
better or equal hope in the world? In our present 
differences, is either party without faith of being in 
the right? If the Almighty Ruler of Nations, with 
his eternal truth and justice, be on your side of the 
North, or on yours of the South, that truth and that 
justice will surely prevail by the judgment of this 
great tribunal — the American people. By the frame 
of the government under which we live, this same 
people have wisely given their public servants but 
little power for mischief, and have with equal wis- 
dom provided for the return of that little to their own 
hands at very short intervals. While the people re- 
tain their virtue and vigilance, no administration, by 
any extreme wickedness or folly, can very seriously 
injure the government in the short space of four years. 

My countrymen, one and all, think calmly and well 
upon this whole subject. Nothing valuable can be 
lost by taking time. 

If there be an object to hurry any of you, in hot 
haste, to a step which you would never take deliber- 
ately, that object will be frustrated by taking time ; 
but no good object can be frustrated by it Such of 
you as are now dissatisfied still have the old Consti- 
tution unimpaired, and, on the sensitive point, the 
laws of your own framing under it ; while the new 



PEN AND VOICE. 61 

administration will have no immediate power, if it 
would, to change either. 

If it were admitted that you who are dissatisfied 
hold the right side in the dispute, there is still no single 
reason for precipitate action. Intelligence, patriotism, 
Christianity, and a firm reliance on Him who has 
never yet forsaken this favored land, are still com- 
petent to adjust, in the best way, all our present diffi- 
culties. 

In your hands, my dissatisfied fellow-countrymen, 
and not in mine, is the momentous issue of civil war. 
The government will not assail you. 

You can have no conflict without being yourselves 
the aggressors. You can have no oath registered in 
Heaven to destroy the government; while I shall 
have the most solemn one to " preserve, protect and 
defend" it. 

I am loath to close. We are not enemies, but 
friends. We must not be enemies. Though passion 
may have strained, it must not break our bonds of 
affection. The mystic cords of memory, stretching 
from every battle-field and patriot grave to every 
living heart and hearthstone all over this broad land, 
will yet swell the chorus of the Union, when again 
touched, as surely they will be, by the better angels 
of our nature. 



oh! why should the spirit of mortal be proud. 

[The following poem, written by William Knox, a 
Scottish poet of considerable talent, has been widely 



62 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 

published. It was a great favorite with President 
Lincoln, by whom it was often recited.] 

Oh, why should the spirit of mortal be proud? 
Like a swift, fleeting meteor, a fast-flying cloud, 
A flash of the lightning, a break of the wave, 
He passeth from life to his rest in the grave. 

The leaves of the oak and the willow shall fade, 
Be scattered around and together be laid; 
And the young and the old, and the low and the high 
Shall molder to dust, and together shall lie. 

The infant a mother attended and loved ; 
The mother that infant's affection who proved; 
The husband that mother and infant who blessed, 
Each, all, are away to their dwellings of rest. 

The hand of the king that the scepter hath born; 
The brqw of the priest that the miter hath worn; 
The eye of the sage and the heart of the brave, 
Are hidden and lost in the depths of the grave. 

The peasant, whose lot was to sow and to reap ; 
The herdsman, who climbed with his goats up the steep; 
The beggar, who wandered in search of his bread, 
Have faded away like the grass that we tread. 

The maid on whose cheek, on whose brow, in whose eye 
Shone beauty and pleasure — her triumphs are by; 
And the memory of those who loved her and praised, 
Are alike from the minds of the living erased. 

The saint who enjoyed the communion of heaven, 
The sinner who dared to remain unforgiven, 
The wise and the foolish, the guilty and just, 
Have quietly mingled their bones in the dust. 

So the multitude goes, like the flower or the weed 
That withers away to let others succeed ; 
So the multitude comes, even those we behold, 
To repeat every tale that has often been told. 



PEN AND VOICE. 63 

For we are the same our fathers have been ; 
We see the same sights our fathers have seen — 
We drink the same stream and view the same sun — 
And run the same course our fathers have run. 

The thoughts we are thinking our fathers would think ; 
From the deatli we are shrinking our fathers would shrink; 
To the life we are clinging they also would cling; 
But it speeds for us all, like a bird on the wing. 

They loved, hut the story we can not unfold; 
They scorned, hut the heart of the haughty is cold; 
They grieved, but no wail from their slumber will come; 
They joyed, but the tongue of their gladness is dumb. 

They died, aye! they died; we things that are now, 
That walk on the turf that lies over their brow, 
And make in their dwellings a transient abode, 
Meet the things that they met on their pilgrimage road. 

Yea! hope and despondency, pleasure and pain, 
We mingle together in sunshine and rain; 
And the smile and the tear, the song and the dirge, 
Still follow each other, like surge upon surge. 

Tis the wink of an eye, 'tis the draught of a breath ; 
From the blossom of health to the paleness of death, 
From the gilded saloon to the bier and the shroud — 
Oh, why should the spirit of mortal be proud ? 



Lincoln's Letter to Senor Molina, March 17, 1861. 

I am happy to receive the letters you present, and 
to recognize yon, sir, as Envoy Extraordinary and 
Minister Plenipotentiary of Nicaragua, near the U. 
S. In conferring a higher rank upon you, as a token 
of regard on the part of the Government and people 
of Nicaragua toward this country, they liave done 
our Government and people an honor, for which we 



64 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 

are duly grateful ; while they have also manifested an 
increased confidence in you, which we can attest is 
deserved, and thereby have done you a distinguished 
honor, upon which we congratulate you. On behalf 
of the United States I fully reciprocate toward your 
government and people the kind wishes and friendly 
purposes you so generously express toward ours. 
Please communicate to his Excellency, the President 
of Nicaragua, my high esteem and consideration, and 
my earnest wish for his health, happiness and long 
life. Be assured, sir, I do not allow myself to doubt 
that your public duties and social intercourse here 
will be so conducted as to be entirely acceptable to 
the government and people of the United States. 

A. Lincoln. 

Lincoln's Reply to the Delegates from Virginia, 
April 13, 1861. 

Hon. Messrs. Preston, Stuart, and Randolph, Gentle- 
men: — As a committee of the Virginia Convention, 
now in session, you present me a preamble and reso- 
lution in these words: 

" Whereas, in the opinion of this Convention, the 
uncertainty which prevails in the public mind as to 
the policy which the Federal executive intends to 
pursue towards the seceded states is extremely inju- 
rious to the industrial and commercial interests of 
the country, tends to keep up an excitement which 
is unfavorable to an adjustment of pending diffi- 
culties, and threatens a disturbance of the public 
peace : therefore, 

"Resolved, That a committee of three delegates be 



PEN AND VOICE. 65 

appointed to wait on the President of the United 
States, present to him this preamble and resolution, 
and respectfully ask him to communicate to this Con- 
vention the policy which the Federal executive in- 
tends to pursue in regard to the Confederate States." 

In answer, I have to say that, having at the begin- 
ning of my official term expressed my intended pol- 
icy as plainly as I was able, it is with deep regret and 
some mortification that I now learn that there is 
great and injurious uncertainty in the public mind as 
to what that policy is, and what course I intend to 
pursue. Not having as yet seen occasion to change, 
it is now my purpose to pursue the course marked 
out in the inaugural address. I commend a careful 
consideration of the whole document as the best ex- 
pression I can give of my purposes. As I then and 
therein said, I now repeat : 

"The power confided to me will be used to hold, 
occupy, and possess the property and places belong- 
ing to the government, and to collect the duties and 
imports; but beyond what is necessary for these ob- 
jects, there will be no invasion, no using of force 
against or among the people anywhere." 

By the words "property and places belonging to 
the government," I chiefly allude to the military 
posts and property which were in the possession of 
the government when it came to my hands. But if, 
as now appears to be true, in pursuit of a purpose to 
drive the .United States authority from these places, 
an unprovoked assault has been made upon Fort 
Sumter, I shall hold myself at liberty to repossess, - if 
I can, like places which had been seized before the 
6 



66 abhaiiam Lincoln's 

government was devolved upon me. And, in any 
event, I shall, to the best of my ability, repel force by 
force. Iu case it proves true that Fort Sumter has 
been assaulted, as is reported, I shall, perhaps, cause 
the United States mails to be withdrawn from all the 
states which claim to have seceded, believing that 
the commencement of actual war against the govern- 
ment justifies and possibly demands it. 

I scarcely need to say that I consider the military 
posts and property situated within the states which 
claim to have seceded as yet belonging to the govern- 
ment of the United States as much as they did before 
the supposed secession. 

Whatever else I may do for the purpose, I shall 
not attempt to collect the duties and imposts by any 
armed invasion of any part of the country — not 
meaning by this, however, that I may not land a 
force deemed necessary to relieve a fort upon the 
border of the country. 

From the fact that I have quoted a part of the 
inaugural address, it must not be inferred that I re- 
pudiate any other part, the whole of which I re- 
affirm, except so far as what I now say of the mails 
may be regarded as a modification. 

Proclamation, April 15, 1861. 

Whereas, the laws of the United States have 
been for some time past and now are opposed, and 
the execution thereof obstructed, in the States of 
South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, Florida, Missis- 
sippi, Louisiana, and Texas, by combination too pow- 
erful to be surpassed by the ordinary course of judi- 



PEN AND VOICE. 67 

cial proceedings, or by the powers vested in the mar- 
shals by law ; now, therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, 
President of the United States, in virtue of the 
power in me vested by the Constitution and the laws, 
have thought fit to call forth and hereby do call forth, 
the militia of the several states of the Union, to the 
aggregate number of seventy-five thousand, in order 
to suppress said combination, and to cause the laws 
to be duly executed. 

The details for the object will be immediately com- 
municated to the state authorities through the War 
Department. I appeal to all local citizens to favor, 
facilitate, and aid this effort to maintain the honor, 
the integrity and existence of our National Union, 
and the perpetuity, of popular government, and to re- 
dress laws already long enough endured. I deem it 
proper to say, that the first service assigned to the 
forces hereby called forth, will probably be to repos- 
sess the forts, property, and places which have been 
seized from the Union ; and in every event, the ut- 
most care will be observed, consistently with the ob- 
jects aforesaid, to avoid any devastation, any destruc- 
tion of, or interference with, property, or any disturb- 
ance of peaceful citizens of any part of the country ; 
and I hereby command the persons composing the 
combinations aforesaid to disperse and retire peace- 
ably to their respective abodes, within twenty days 
from this date. 

Deeming that the present condition of public affairs 
presents an extraordinary occasion, I do hereby, in 
virtue of the power in me vested by the Constitution, 
convene both houses of Congress. The senators and 



68 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 

representatives are, therefore, summoned to assemble 
at their respective chambers at twelve o'clock noon, 
on Thursday, the fourth day of July next, then and 
there to consider and determine such measures as, in 
their wisdom, the public safety and interest may 
seem to demand. 

In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand, 
and caused the seal of the United States to be af- 
fixed. 

Done at the city of Washington, this fifteenth day 
of April, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight 
hundred and sixty-one, and of the independence of 
the United States the eighty-fifth. 

Abraham Lincoln. 

President Lincoln to Governor Hicks and Mayor 

Brown. 

Washington, April 20, 1861. 

Gentlemen : — Your letter by Messrs. Bond, Dobbin 
and Brune is received. I tender you both my sincere 
thanks for your efforts to keep the peace in the try- 
ing situation in which you are placed. For the fu- 
ture, troops must be brought here, but I make no point 
of bringing them through Baltimore. 

Without any military knowledge myself, of course 
I must leave details to General Scott. He hastily said 
this morning, in the presence of these gentlemen, 
" March them around Baltimore, and not through it." 

I sincerely hope the General, on fuller reflection, 
will consider this practical and proper, and that you 
will not object to it. By this a collision of the people 
of Baltimore with the troops will be avoided, unless 



PEN AND VOICE. 69 

they go oat of their way to seek it. I hope you will 
exert your influence to prevent this. Now and ever 
I shall do all in my power for peace, consistently with 
the maintenance of the government. Your obedient 
servant, Abraham Lincoln. 

President Lincoln's Reply to Frontier Guards, 
April 28, 18(31. 
I have desired as sincerely as any man — I sometimes 
think more than any other man— that our present 
difficulties might be settled without the shedding of 
blood. I will not say that all hope is yet gone. But 
if the alternative is presented, whether the Union is 
to be broken in fragments, and the liberties of the 
people lost, or blood be shed, you will probably make 
the choice, with which I shall not be dissatisfied. 

President Lincoln's Reply to a* Baltimore Com- 
mittee, April 28, 1801. 
You, gentlemen, come here to me. and ask for peace 
on any terms, and yet have no word of condemnation 
for those who are making war on us. You express 
great horror of bloodshed, and yet Avould not Jay 
a straw in the way of those who are organizing in 
Virginia and elsewhere to capture this city. The 
rebels attack Fort Sumter, and your citizens attack 
troops sent to the defense of the government, and 
the lives and property in Washington, and yet you 
would have me break my oath and surrender the 
government without a blow. There is no Washing- 
ton in that — no Jackson in that — there is no manhood 
or honor in that. I have no desire to invade the 



70 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 

South ; but I must have troops to defend this Capital. 
Geographically it lies surrounded by the soil of Mary- 
land; and mathematically the necessity exists that 
they should come over her territory. Our men arc 
not moles, and can't dig under the earth; they are 
not birds, and can't fly through the air. There is no 
way but to march across, and that they must do. 
But in doing this, there is no need of collision. Keep 
your rowdies in Baltimore, and there will be no blood- 
shed. Go home and tell your people that if they 
will not attack us, we will not attack them; but if 
they do attack us, we will return it, and that 
severely. 

Proclamation. 

Washington, Friday, May 3, 1861. 
Whereas, existing exigencies demand immediate 
and adequate measures for the protection of the Na- 
tional Constitution and the preservation of the Na- 
tional Union by the suppression of the insurrec- 
tionary combination now existing in several states 
for opposing the laws of the Union, and obstruct- 
ing the execution thereof, to which end a mili- 
tary force, in addition to that called forth by my 
proclamation of the fifteenth day of April in the 
the present year, appears to be indispensably neces- 
sary; now, therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, President 
of the United States, and Commander-in-chief of the 
Army and Navy thereof, and of the militia of the 
several states when called into actual service, do 
hereby call into the service of the United States forty- 
two thousand and thirty-four volunteers, to serve for 
a period of three years, unless sooner discharged, and 



PEN AND VOICE. 71 

to be mustered into service as infantry and cavalry. 
The proportions of each arm, and the details of en- 
rollment, and organization, will be made known 
through the Department of War; and I also direct 
that the regular army of the United States be in- 
creased by the addition of eight regiments of in- 
fantry, one regiment of cavalry, and one regiment of 
artillery, making altogether a maximum aggregate 
increase of 22,714 officers and enlisted men, the de- 
tails of which increase will also be made known 
through the War Department; and T farther direct 
the enlistment, for not less than one, nor more than 
three years, of 18,000 seamen, in addition to the 
present force, for the naval service of the United 
States. The details of the enlistment and organiza- 
tion will be made known through the Department of 
the Navy. The call for volunteers hereby made, and 
the direction of the increase of the regular army, and 
for the enlistment of seamen hereby given, together 
with the plan of organization adopted for the volun- 
teers and for the regular forces hereby authorized, 
will be submitted to Congress as soon as assembled. 

In the meantime I earnestly invoke the co-operation 
of all good citizens in the measures hereby adopted 
for the effectual suppression of unlawful violence, for 
the impartial enforcement of constitutional laws, and 
for the speediest possible restoration of peace and 
order, and with those of happiness and prosperity 
throughout our country. 

In testimony whereof, I have hereunto set my hand, 
and caused the seal of the United States to be affixed. 

Done at the city of Washington, this third day of 



72 Abraham Lincoln's 

May, in the year of our Lord, one thousand eight 
hundred and sixty-one, and of the Independence of 
the United States the eighty-fifth. A. Lincoln. 

To the Secretary of the Navy. 

Executive Mansion, May 11, 1861. 
Sir: — Lieutenant D. D. Porter was placed in com- 
mand of the steamer ^Powhatan, and Captain Samuel 
Mercer was detached therefrom by my special order, 
and neither of them is responsible for any apparent 
or real irregularity on their part in connection with 
that vessel. 

Hereafter Captain Porter is relieved from that 
special service and placed under the direction of the 
Navy Department, from which he will receive instruc- 
tions and to which he will report. 

Very respectfully, A. Lincoln. 

President Lincoln's First Message to Congress, 
July 4, 1861. 

Having been convened on an extraordinary occa- 
sion, as authorized by the Constitution, your atten- 
tion is not called to any ordinary subject of legis- 
lation. 

At the beginning of the present presidential term, 
four months ago, the functions of the Federal govern- 
ment were found to be generally suspended within 
the several states of South Carolina, Georgia, Ala- 
bama, Mississippi, Louisiana, and Florida, excepting 
only those of the Post-office Department. 

"Within these states, all the forts, arsenals, dock- 
yards, custom-houses, and the like, including the 



PEN AND VOICE. 73 

movable and stationary property in and about them, 
had been seized, and were held in open hostility to 
this government, excepting only Forts Pickens, Tay- 
lor, and Jefferson, on and near the Florida coast, and 
Fort Sumter in the Charleston Harbor, South Caro- 
lina. The forts thus seized had been put in improved 
condition ; new ones had been built, and armed forces 
had been organized, and were organizing, all avowedly 
with the same hostile purpose. 

The forts remaining in the possession of the Fed- 
eral government in and near these states were either 
besieged or menaced by war-like preparations, and 
especially Fort Sumter was nearly surrounded by 
well-protected hostile batteries, with guns equal in 
quality to the best of its own, and outnumbering the 
latter as perhaps ten to one. A disproportionate 
share of the Federal muskets and rifles had somehow 
found their way into these states, and been seized to 
be used against the government. Accumulations of 
the public revenue, lying within them, had been seized 
for the same object. The navy was scattered in dis- 
tant seas, leaving but a very small part of it within 
the immediate reach of the government. Officers of 
the Federal army and navy had resigned in great 
numbers ; and of those resigning a large proportion 
had taken up arms against the government. Simul- 
taneously, and in connection with all this, the purpose 
to sever the Federal Union was openly avowed. In 
accordance with this purpose an ordinance hadjbeen 
adopted in each of these states, declaring the states, 
respectively, to be separated from the national Union. 

A formula for instituting a combined government 
7 



74 Abraham Lincoln's 

of these states had been promulgated ; and this illegal 
organization, in the character of Confederate States, 
was already invoking recognition, aid and interven- 
tion from foreign powers. 

Finding this condition of things, and believing it to 
be an imperative duty upon the incoming Executive 
to prevent, if possible, the consummation of such at- 
tempt to destroy the Federal Union, a choice of 
means to that end became indispensable. This choice 
was made, and was declared in the inaugural address. 
The policy chosen looked to the exhaustion of all 
peaceful measures, before a resort to any stronger 
ones. It sought only to hold the public places and 
property not already wrested from the government, 
and to collect the revenue; relying for the rest on 
time, discussion, and the ballot-box. It promised a 
continuance of the mails, at government expense, to 
the very people who were resisting the government; 
and it gave repeated pledges against any disturbance 
to any of the people, or any of their rights. Of all 
that which a President might constitutionally and 
justifiably do in such a case, eveiy thing was forborne, 
without which it was believed possible to keep the 
government on foot. 

On the 5th of March [the present incumbent's first 
full day in office] a letter of Major Anderson, com- 
manding at Fort Sumter, written on the 28th of Feb- 
ruary, and received at the War Department on the 
4th of March, was, by that Department, placed in his 
hands. This letter expressed the professional opinion 
of the writer that reinforcements could not be thrown 
into the fort within the time for his relief, rendered 



PEN AND VOICE. 75 

necessary b} T the limited supply of provisions, and 
with a view of holding possession of the same, with 
a force of less than twenty thousand good and •well- 
disciplined men. This opinion was concurred in by 
all the officers of his command, and their memoranda 
on the subject were made inclosures of Major Ander- 
son's letter. The whole was immediately laid before 
Lieut.- General Scott, who at once concurred with 
Major Anderson in opinion. On reflection, however, 
he took full time, consulting with other officers, both 
of the army and the navy, and, at the end of tour days, 
came reluctantly, but decidedly to the same conclu- 
sion as before. He also stated at the same time that 
no such sufficient force was then at the control of the 
government, or could be raised and brought to the 
ground within the time when the provisions in the 
fort would be exhausted. In a purely military point 
of view this reduced the duty of the administration 
in the case to mere matter of getting the garrison 
safely out of the fort. 

It was believed, however, that to so abandon that 
position, under the circumstances, would be utterly 
ruinous; that the necessity under which it was to be 
done would not be fully understood; that by many 
it would be construed as a part of a voluntary policy; 
that at home it would discourage the friends of the 
Union, embolden its adversaries, and go far to insure 
to the latter a recognition, abroad ; that in fact it 
would be our national destruction consummated. 
This would not be allowed. Starvation was not yet 
upon the garrison, and ere it would be reached Fort 
Pickens might be re-inforced. 



76 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 

This last would be a clear indication of policy, and 
would better enable the country to accept the evacu- 
ation of Fort Sumter as a military necessity. An order 
was at once directed to be sent for the landing of the 
troops from the steamship Brooklyn into Fort Pick- 
ens. This order could not go by land, but must take 
the longer and slower route by sea. The first return 
news from the order was received just one week be- 
fore the fall of Fort Sumter. The news itself was 
that the officer commanding the Sabine, to which 
vessel the troops had been transferred from the Brook- 
lyn, acting upon some quasi armistice of the late ad- 
ministration (and of the existence of which the 
present administration, up to the time the order was 
dispatched, had only too vague and uncertain rumors 
to fix attention), had refused to land the troops. To 
now reinforce Fort Pickens, before a crisis would be 
reached at Fort Sumter, was impossible, rendered so 
by the near exhaustion of provisions in the latter 
named fort. In precaution against such a conjuncture 
the government had, a few days before, commenced 
preparing an expedition, as-well adapated as might 
be, to relieve Fort Sumter, which expedition was in- 
tended to be ultimately used, or not, according to 
circumstances. The strongest anticipated case for 
using it was now presented; and it was resolved to 
send it forward. As had been intended in this con- 
tingency, it was resolved to notify the governor of 
South Carolina that he might expect an attempt would 
be made to provision the fort; and that if the attempt 
should not be resisted there would be no effort to throw 
in men, arms, or ammunition, without further notice, 



PEN AND VOICE. 77 

or in case of an attack upon the fort. This notice 
was accordingly given ; whereupon the fort was at- 
tacked and bombarded to its fall, without even await- 
ing the arrival of the provisioning expedition. 

It is thus seen that the assault upon and reduction 
of Fort Sumter was, in no sense, a matter of self-de- 
fense on the part of the assailants. 

They knew well that the garrison in the fort could, 
by no possibility, commit aggression upon them. 
They knew — they were. expressly notified— that the 
giving of bread to the few brave and hungry men of 
the garrison was all which would on that occasion be 
attempted, unless themselves, by resisting so much, 
should provoke more. They knew that this govern- 
ment desired to keep the garrison in the fort, not to 
assail them, but merely to maintain in visible posses- 
sion, and thus to preserve the Union from actual and 
immediate dissolution, trusting, as hereinbefore stated, 
to time, discussion, and the ballot-box for final adjust- 
ment ; and they assailed and reduced the fort for pre- 
cisely the reverse object, to drive out the visible 
authority of the Federal Union, and thus force it to 
immediate dissolution. That this was their object 
the Executive well understood; and having said to 
them, in the inaugural address, " You can have no 
conflict without being yourselves the aggressors," he 
took pains not only to keep this declaration good, 
but also to keep the case so free from the power of 
ingenious sophistry, as that the world should not be 
able to misunderstand it. By the affair at Fort Sum- 
ter, with its surrounding circumstances, that point 
was reached. Then and there, by the assailants of the 



78 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 

government, began the conflict of arms, without a gun 
in sight or in expectancy to return their fire, save 
only the few in the fort sent to that harbor years be- 
fore for their own protection, and still ready to give 
that protection in whatever was lawful. In this act, 
discarding all else, they have forced upon the coun- 
try, the distinct issue, "Immediate dissolution or 
blood." 

And this issue embraces more that the fate of these 
United States. It presents 4o the whole family of 
man the question whether a constitutional republic or 
democracy — a government of the people, by the same 
people — can or can not maintain its territorial integ- 
rity against its own domestic foes. It presents the 
question whether discontented individuals, too few in 
numbers to control administration according to or- 
ganic law in any case, can always, upon the pretenses 
made in this case, or on any other pretenses, or arbi- 
trarily without any pretense, break up their govern- 
ment, and thus practically put an end to free govern- 
ment upon the earth. It forces us to ask, " Is there, in 
all republics, this inherent and fatal weakness?" 
"Must a government of necessity be too strong for the 
liberties of its own people, or too weak to maintain its 
own existence?" 

So viewing the issue, no choice w r as left but to call 
out the war power of the government ; and so to re- 
sist force, employed for its destruction, by force for 
its preservation. 

Ths call was made, and the response of the country 
was most gratifying, surpassing in unanimity and 
spirit the most sanguine expectations. Yet none 



PEN AND VOICE. 79 

of the states commonly called slave states, except 
Delaware, gave a regiment through regular state 
organization. A few regiments have been organized 
within some others of those states by individual en- 
terprise, and received into the government service. 
Of course, the seceded states, so called (aud to which 
Texas had been joined about the time of the inaugu- 
ration), gave no troops to the cause of the Union. The 
Border States, so called, were not uniform in their 
action ; some of them being almost for the Union, 
while in others — as Virginia. North Carolina, Tennes- 
see aud Arkansas — the Union sentiment was nearly 
repressed and silenced. The course taken in Virginia 
was the most remarkable, perhaps the most important. 
A convention, elected by the people of that state to 
consider this very question of disrupting the Federal 
Union, was in session at the Capital of Virginia when 
Fort Sumter fell. To this body the people had chosen 
a large majority of professed Union men. 

Almost immediately after the fall of Sumter, many 
members of that majority went over to the original 
disunion minority, and, with them, adopted an ordi- 
dance for withdrawing the state from the Union. 
Whether this change was wrought by their great 
approval of the assault upon Sumter, or their great 
resentment at the government's resistance to that 
assault, is not definitely known. Although they sub- 
mitted the ordinance, for ratification, to a vote of the 
people, to be taken on a day then somewhat more 
than a month distant, the convention, and the legis- 
lature (which was also in session at the same time and 
place), with leading men of the state, not members of 



80 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 

either, immediately commenced acting as if the state 
were already out of the Union. They pushed mili- 
tary preparations vigorously forward all over the 
state. They seized the United States armory at 
Harper's Ferry, and the navy-yard at Gosport, near 
Norfolk, They received, perhaps invited, into their 
state large bodies of troops, with their warlike ap- 
pointments, from the so-called seceded states. They 
formally entered into a treaty of temporary alliance 
and co-operation with the. so-called -'Confederate 
states, '' and sent members to their congress at Mont- 
gomery. And, finally, they permitted the insurrec- 
tionary government to be transferred to their capital 
at Richmond. 

The people of Virginia have thus allowed this 
giant insurrection to make its nest within her bor- 
ders ; and this government has no choice left but to 
deal with it ivhcrc it finds it. And it has the less re- 
gret, as the loyal citizens have, in due form, claimed 
its protection. Those loyal citizens this government 
is bound to recognize and protect, as being Virginia. 

In the Border States, so called — in fact, the Middle 
States — there are those who favor a policy which they 
call "armed neutrality;" that is, an arming of those 
states to prevent the Union forces passing one way, 
or the disunion the other, over their soil. This would 
be disunion completed. Figuratively speaking, it 
would be the building of an impassable wall along 
the line of separation ; and yet not quite an impassa- 
ble -one, for under the guise of neutrality, it would 
tie the hands of the Union men, and freely pass sup- 
plies from among them to the insurrectionists, which 



PEN AND VOICE. 81 

it could not do as an open enemy. At a stroke, it 
would take all the trouble off the hands of secession, 
except only what proceeds from the external block- 
ade. It would do for the disunionists that which, of 
all things, they most desire — feed them well, and give 
them disunion without a struggle of their own. It 
recognizes no fidelity to the Constitution, no obliga- 
tion to maintain the Union; and while very many 
who have favored it art' doubtless loyal citizens, it is, 
nevertheless, very injurious in effect. 

Recurring to the action of the government, it may 
be stated that, at first, a call was made for seventy- 
five thousand militia; and rapidly following this, a 
proclamation was issued for closing the ports of the 
insurrectionary districts by proceedings in the nature 
of blockade. So far, all was believed to be strictly 
legal. At this point, the insurrectionsts announced 
their purpose to enter upon the practice of priva- 
teering. 

Other calls were made for volunteers to serve three 
years, unless sooner discharged, and also for large ad- 
ditions to the regular army and navy. These meas- 
ures, whether strictly legal or not, were ventured 
upon under what appeared to be a popular demand 
and a public necessity; trusting then, as now, that 
Congress would readily ratify them. It is believed 
that nothing has been done beyond the constitutional 
competency of Congress. 

Soon after the first call for militia, it was consid- 
ered a duty to authorize the commanding general, in 
proper cases, according to his discretion, to suspend 
the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus, or, in 



82 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 

other words, to arrest and detain, without resort to 
the ordinary processes and forms of law, such indi- 
viduals as he might deem dangerous to the public 
safety. This authority has purposely been exercised 
but very sparingly. Nevertheless, the legality and 
propriety of what has been done under it are ques- 
tioned, and the attention of the country has been 
called to the proposition that one who is sworn to 
"take care" that the laws be faithfully executed 
should not himself violate them. Of course, some 
consideration was given to the questions of power 
and propriety before this matter was acted upon. 
The whole of the laws which were required to be 
faithfully executed were being resisted and failing of 
execution in nearly one-third of the states. Must 
they be allowed to finally fail of execution, even had 
it been perfectly clear, that, by the use of the means 
necessary to their execution, some single law, made 
in such extreme tenderness of the citizens' liberty, 
that practically it relieves more of the guilty than 
of the innocent, should to a very limited extent be 
violated ? 

To state the question more directly, are all the 
laws but one to go unexecuted, and the government 
itself go to pieces, lest that one be violated ? Even 
in such a case, would not the official oath be broken, 
if the government should be overthrown, when it was 
believed that disregarding the single law would tend 
to preserve it? But it was not believed that this 
question was presented. It was not believed that 
any law was violated. The provision of the Consti- 
tution that " the privilege of the writ of habeas 



PEN AND VOICE. 83 

corpus shall not be suspended unless when, in cases 
of rebellion or invasion, the public safety may require 
it," is equivalent to a provision, is a provision, that 
such privilege may be suspended when, in cases of re- 
bellion or invasion, the public safety does require it. 
It was decided that we have a case of rebellion, and 
that the public safety does require the qualified sus- 
pension of the privilege of the writ which was au- 
thorized to be made. Now it is insisted that Con- 
gress, and not the executive, is vested with this 
power. 

But the Constitution itself is silent as to which or 
who is to exercise the power; and as the provision 
was plainly made for a dangerous emergency, it can 
not be believed that the framers of the instrument in- 
tended that in every case the danger should run its 
course until Congress could be called together, the 
very assembling of which might be prevented, as was 
intended in this case, by the rebellion. 

JSTo more extended argument is now offered, as an 
opinion at some length will probably be presented by 
the Attorney-General. Whether there shall be any 
legislation upon the subject, and if any, what, is 
submitted entirely to the better judgment of Con- 
gress. 

The forbearance of this government has been so 
extraordinary and so long continued as to lead some 
foreign nations to shape their action as if they sup- 
posed the early destruction of our National Union 
was probable. While this, on discovery, gave the 
executive some concern, he is now happy to say that 
the sovereignty and rights of the United States are 



84 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 

now every-where practically respected by foreign 
powers, and a general sympathy with the country is 
manifested throughout the world. 

The reports of the Secretaries of the Treasury, War 
and the Navy, will give the information in detail 
deemed necessary and convenient for your delibera- 
tion and action ; while the Executive, and all the 
departments, will stand ready to supply omissions, or 
to communicate new facts considered important for 
you to know. 

It is now recommended that you give the legal 
means for making this contest a short and a decisive 
one ; that you place at the control of the government, 
for the work, at least four hundred thousand men and 
four hundred millions of dollars. That number of 
men is about one-tenth of those of proper ages within 
the regions where, apparently, all are willing to en- 
gage; and the sum is less than a twenty-third part 
of the money value owned by the men who seem 
ready to devote the whole. A debt of six hundred 
millions of dollars now, is a less sum per head than 
was the debt of our Revolution when we came out of 
that struggle ; and the money value in the country 
now bears even a greater proportion to what it was 
then, than does the population Surely, each man has 
as strong a motive now to preserve our liberties as 
each had then to establish them. A right result, at 
this time, will be worth more to the world than ten 
times the men and ten times the money. The evi- 
dence reaching us from the country leaves no doubt 
that the material for the work is abundant ; and that 
it needs only the hand of legislation to give it legal 



PEN AND VOICE. 85 

sanction, and the hand of the Executive to give it 
practical shape and efficiency. 

One of the greatest perplexities of the government 
is to avoid receiving troops faster than it can provide 
for them. In a word, the people will save their gov- 
ernment if the government itself will do its part only 
indifferently well. 

It might seem, at first thought, to he of little dif- 
ference whether the present movement at the South 
be called "secession" or "rebellion." The movers, 
however, well understand the difference. At the be- 
ginning, they knew they could never raise their 
treason to any respectable magnitude by any name 
which implies violation of law. They knew their 
people possessed as much of moral sense, as much of 
devotion to law and order, and as much pride in, and 
reverence for the history and government of their 
common country, as any other civilized and patriotic 
people. They knew they could make no advance- 
ment directly in the teeth of "these strong and noble 
sentiments. Accordingly, they commenced by an in- 
sidious debauching of the public mind. They invented 
an ingenious sophism, which, if conceded, was fol- 
lowed by perfectly logical steps, through all the inci- 
dents, to the complete destruction of the Union. The 
sophism itself is, that any state of the Union may, con- 
sistently with the National Constitution, and there- 
fore lawfully and peacefully withdraw from the Union 
without the consent of the Union, or of any other 
state. The little disguise that the supposed right is 
to be exercised only for just cause, themselves to be the 
sole judges of its justice, is too thin to merit any notice. 



86 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 

With rebellion thus sugar-routed, they have been 
drugging the public mind of their section for more 
than thirty years, and until at length they have 
brought many good men to a willingness to take up 
arms against the government the day after some as- 
semblage of men have enacted the farcical pretense of 
taking their state out of the Union, who could have 
been brought to no such thing the day before. 

This sophism derives much, perhaps the whole, of 
its current from the assumption that there is some 
omnipotent and sacred supremacy pertaining to a 
state — to each state of our Federal Union. Our 
states have neither more nor less power than that 
reserved to them in the Union by the Constitution — 
no one of them ever having been a state out of the 
Union. The original ones passed into the Union 
even before they cast off their British colonial depend- 
ence; and the new ones each came into the Union 
directly from a condition of dependence, excepting 
Texas. And even Texas, in its temporary indepen- 
dence, was never designated a state. The new ones 
only took the designation of states on coming into 
the Union, while that name was first adopted by the 
old ones in and by the Declaration of Independence. 
Therein the "United Colonies '' were declared to be 
"free and independent states;" but, even then, their 
object plainly was not to declare their independence 
of one another, or of the Union, but directly the con- 
trary, as their mutual pledge and their mutual action 
before, at the time, and afterward, abundantly shows. 

The express plighting of faith by each and all of 
the original thirteen in the Articles of Confederation, 



PEN AND VOICE. 87 

two years later, that the Union shall be perpetual, is 
most conclusive. 

Having never been states, either in substance or in 
name, outside of the Union, whence this magical om- 
nipotence of " state rights,*' asserting a claim of power 
to lawfully destroy the Union itself? Much is said 
about the "sovereignty" of the states; but the word 
even is not in the National Constitution ; nor, as is 
believed, in any of the state constitutions. What is 
a "sovereignty" in the political sense of the term? 
Would it be far wrong to define it "a political com- 
munity without a political superior'.''" 

Tested by this, no one of our states, except Texas, 
ever was a sovereignty. And even Texas gave up 
the character on coming into the Union; by which 
act she acknowledged the Constitution of the United 
States and the laws and treaties of the United States 
made in pursuance of the Constitution, to be for her 
the supreme law of the land. The states have their 
status in the Union, and they have no other legal status. 
If they break from this, they can only do so against 
law and by revolution. The Union, and not them- 
selves, separately, procured their independence and 
their liberty. By conquest or purchase the Union 
gave each of them whatever of independence or lib- 
erty it has. The Union is older than any of the 
states, and, in fact, it created them as states. Origi- 
nally, some dependent colonies made the Union, and. 
in turn, the Union threw off their old dependence for 
them, and made them states, such as they are. 

Not one of them ever had a state constitution inde- 
pendent of the Union. Of course, it is not forgotten 



OO ABRAHAM LINCOLN S 

that all the new states framed their constitutions before 
they entered the Union — nevertheless dependent upon 
and preparatory to coming into the Union. Unques- 
tionably the states have the powers and rights re- 
served to them in and by the National Constitution; 
but among them, surely, are not included all conceiv- 
able powers, however mischievous or destructive; 
but, at most, such only as were known in the world, 
at the time, as governmental powers ; and, certainly, a 
power to destroy the government itself had never 
been known as a governmental — as a merely adminis- 
trative ] tower. This relative matter of national power 
and state rights, as a principle, is no other than the 
principle of generality and locality. Whatever con- 
cerns the whole should be confided to the whole — to 
the general government; while whatever concerns 
only the state should be left exclusively to the state. 
This is all there is of original principle about it. 
Whether the National Constitution in defining boun- 
daries between the two has applied the principle with 
exact accuracy, is not to be questioned. We are all 
bound by that defining, without question. 

What is now combated, is the position that seces- 
sion is consistent with the Constitution — is lawful and 
peaceful. It is not contended that there is any ex- 
press law for it, and nothing should ever be implied 
as law which leads to unjust or absurd consequences. 
The nation purchased with money the countries out 
of which several of these states were formed: is it 
just that they shall go off without leave and without 
refunding? The nation paid very large sums (in the 
aggregate, I believe, nearly a hundred millions) to 



PEN AND VOICE. 89 

relieve Florida of the aboriginal tribes; is it just that 
she shall now be oft* without consent, or without 
making any return ? The nation is now in debt for 
money applied to the benefit of these so-called se- 
ceding states in common with the rest ; is it just either 
that creditors shall go unpaid, or the remaining states 
pay the whole? A part of the present national debt 
was contracted to pay the old debts of Texas ; is it just 
that she shall leave and pay no part of this herself ? 

Again, if one state may secede, so may another ; 
and when all shall have seceded, none is left to pay 
the debts. Is this quite just to creditors? Did Ave 
notify them of this sage view of ours when we bor- 
rowed their money? If we now recognize this doc- 
trine by allowing the seceders to go in peace, it is 
difficult to see what we can do if others choose to go, 
or to extort terms upon which they will promise to 
remain. 

The seceders insist that our Constitution admits of 
secession. They have assumed to make a national 
constitution of their own, in which, of necessity, they 
have either discarded or retained the right of seces- 
sion, as they insist it exists in ours. If they have 
discarded it, they thereby admit that on principle it 
ought not to exist in ours ; if they have retained it, by 
their own construction of ours they show that, to be 
consistent, they must secede from one another when- 
ever they shall find it the easiest way of settling their 
debts, or effecting any other selfish or unjust object. 
The principle itself is one of disintegration, and upon 
which no government can possibly endure. 

If all the states save one should assert the power to 
8 



90 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 

drive that one out of the Union, it is presumed the 
whole class of seceder politicians would at once deny 
the power, and denounce the act as the greatest out- 
rage upon state rights. But suppose that precisely 
the same act, instead of being called "driving the one 
out," should be'called " the seceding of the others from 
that one," it would be exactly what the seceders claim 
to do, unless, indeed, they make the point that the 
one, because it is a minority, may rightfully do what 
the others, because they are a majority, may not right- 
fully do. These politician are subtle, and profound 
on the rights of minorities. They are not partial to 
that power which made the Constitution, and speaks 
from the preamble, calling itself " We, the people." 

It may well be questioned whether there is to-day 
a majority of the legally qualilied voters of any state, 
except perhaps South Carolina, iu favor of disunion. 
There is much reason to believe that the Union men 
are the majority in many, if not in every other one, 
of the so-called seceded states. The contrary has not 
been demonstrated in any one of them. It is ventured 
to affirm this, even of Virginia and Tennessee; for 
the results of an election, held in military camps, 
where the bayonets are all on one side of the question 
voted upon, can scarcely be considered as demon- 
strating popular sentiment. At such an election, all 
the large class who are, at once, for the Union, and 
against coercion, would be coerced to vote against 
the Union. 

It may be affirmed, without extravagance, that the 
free institutions we enjoy have developed the powers 
and improved the condition of our whole people be- 



PEN AND VOICE. 91 

yond any example in the world. Of this we now have 
a striking and an impressive illustration. So large, an 
army as the government has now on foot was never 
before known, without a soldier in it but who had 
taken his place there of his own free choice. But 
more than this ; there are many single regiments 
whose members, one and another, possess full practical 
knowledge of all the arts, sciences, professions, and 
whatever else, whether useful or elegant, is known in 
the world ; and there is scarcely one from which there 
could not be selected a president, ac abinet, a con- 
gress, and perhaps a court, abundantly competent to 
administer the government itself. Xor do I say that 
this is not true also in the army of our late friends, 
now adversaries, in this contest ; but if it is so, so much 
better the reason why the government, which has con- 
ferred such benefits on both them and us, should not 
be broken up. Whoever, in any section, proposes to 
abandon such a government would do well to con- 
sider in deference to what principle it is that he does 
it, what better he is likely to get in its stead, whether 
the substitute will give or be intended to give so much 
of good to the people. There are some fore-shadow- 
ings on this subject. 

Our adversaries have adopted some declaration of 
independence, in which, unlike the good old one 
penned by Jefferson, they omit the words " all men 
are created equal." Why? They have adopted a 
temporary national constitution, in the preamble of 
which, unlike our good old one signed by Washing- 
ton, they omit " We, the people," and substitute "We, 
the deputies of the sovereign and independent states."' 



92 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 

Why? Why this deliberate pressing out of view the 
rights of men and the authority of the people? This 
is essentially a people's contest. On the side of the 
Union it is a struggle for maintaining in the world 
that form and substance of government whose lead- 
ing object is to elevate the condition of men, to lift 
artificial weights from all shoulders, to clear the paths 
of laudable pursuit for all, to afford all an unfettered 
start and a fair chance in the race of life. 

Yielding to partial and temporary departures from 
necessity, this is the leading object of the government 
for whose existence we contend. 

I am most happy to believe that the plain people 
understand and appreciate this. It is worthy of note 
that, while in this, the government's hour of trial, 
large numbers of those in the army and navy who 
have been favored with the offices have resigned, 
and proved false to the hand which had pampered 
them, not one common soldier or common sailor is 
known to have deserted his flag. 

Great honor is due to those officers who remained 
true, despite the example of their treacherous associ- 
ates ; but the greatest honor and most important fact 
of all is the unanimous firmness of the common sol- 
diers and common sailors. To the last man, so far as 
known, they have successfully resisted the traitorous 
efforts of those whose commands but an hour before 
they obeyed as absolute law. This is the patriotic in- 
stinct of plain people. They understand, without an 
argument, that the destroying the government which 
was made by "Washington means no good to them. 
Our popular government has often been called an ex- 



PEN AND VOICE. 93 

periment. Two points in it our people have already 
settled — the successful establishing, and the successful 

administering of it. One still remains— its successful 
maintenance against a formidable internal attempt to 
overthrow it. It is now for them to demonstrate to 
the world that those who can fairly carry an election 
can also suppress a rebellion; that ballots arc the 
rightful and peaceful successors of bullets ; and that 
when ballots have fairly and constitutionally decided, 
there can be no successful appeal back to bullets ; that 
there can be no successful appeal except to ballots 
themselves at succeeding elections. Such will be a 
great lesson of peace, teaching men that what they 
can not take by an election, neither can they take it 
by a war; teaching all the folly of being beginners of 
a war. 

Lest there be some uneasiness in the minds of can- 
did men as to what is to be the course of the govern- 
ment toward the Southern states after the rebellion 
shall have been suppressed, the Executive deems it 
proper to say, it will be his purpose then, as ever, to 
be guided by the constitution and the laws: and that 
he will probably have no different understanding of 
the powers and duties of the Federal government re- 
latively to the rights of the states and the people, un- 
der the Constitution, than that expressed in the in- 
augural address. 

He desires to preserve the government, that it may 
be administered for all, as it was administered by the 
men who made it. 

Loyal citizens every- where have the right to claim 
this of their government, and the government has no 



94 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 

right to withhold or neglect it. It is not perceived 
that, in giving it, there is any coercion, any conquest, 
or any subjugation, in any just sense of those terms. 

The constitution provides, and all the states have 
accepted the provision, that l ' the United States shall 
guarantee to every state in this Union a republican 
form of government." But, if a state may lawfully 
go out of the Union, having done so, it may also dis- 
card the republican form of government; so that to 
prevent its going out is an indispensable means to the 
end of maintaining the guarantee mentioned; and 
when an end is lawful and obligatory, the indispens- 
able means to it are also lawful and obligatory. It 
was with the deepest regret that the Executive found 
the duty of employing the war power in defense of 
the government forced upon him. He could but per- 
form this duty or surrender the existence of the gov- 
ernment. 

No compromise by public servants could in this case 
be a cure; not that compromises are not often proper, 
but that no popular government can long survive a 
marked precedent, that those who carry an election 
can only save the government from immediate de- 
struction by giving up the main point upon which the 
people gave the election. The people themselves, and 
not their servants, can safely reverse their own delib- 
erate decisions. 

As a private citizen, the Executive could not have 
consented that these institutions shall perish; much 
less could he in betrayal of so vast and so sacred a 
trust as these free people had confided to him. He 
felt that he had no moral right to shrink, nor even to 



PEN AND VOICE. 95 

count the chances of his own life, in what might fol- 
low. In full view of his great responsibility he has 
so far, done what he has deemed his duty. You will 
now, according to your own judgment, perforin yours. 
He sincerely hopes that your views, and your action, 
may so accord with his as to assure all faithful citi- 
zens who have been disturbed in their rights, of a 
certain and speedy restoration to them under the 
Constitution and the laws. And having thus chosen 
our course, without guile and with pure purpose, let 
us renew our trust in God, and go forward without 
fear and with manly hearts. Abraham Lincoln. 

July 4, 1801. 

Mr. Lincoln's Memorandum of Military Programme. 

July 23, 1861. 

1. Let the plan for making the blockade effective 
be pushed forward with all possible dispatch. 

2. Let the volunteer forces at Fort Monroe and 
vicinity, under General Butler, be constantly drilled, 
disciplined, and instructed without more for the 
present. 

3. Let Baltimore be held as now, with a gentle 
but firm and certain hand. 

4. Let the force now under Patterson or Banks be 
strengthened and made secure in its position. 

5. Let the forces in western Virginia act till further 
orders according to instructions or orders from Gene- 
ral McClellan. 

6. General Fremont push forward his organization 
and operations in the West as rapidly as possible, 
giving rather special attention to Missouri. 



96 ABRAHAM LINCOLN S 

7. Let the forces late before Manassas, except the 
three months' men, be organized as rapidly as possible 
in their camps, here and about Arlington. 

8. Let the three months' forces who decline to enter 
the longer service be discharged as rapidly as circum- 
stances will permit. 

9. Let the new volunteer forces be brought forward 
as fast as possible ; and especially into the camps on 
the two sides of the river here. 

July 27, 1861. 
When the foregoing shall have been substantially 
attended to — 

1. Let Manassas Junction (or some point on one or 
the other of the railroads nearest it) and Strasburg be 
seized, and permanently held, with an open line from 
Washington to Manassas, and an open line from Har- 
per's Ferry to Strasburg, the military men to find the 
way of doing these. 

2. This done, a joint movement from Cairo on 
Memphis, and from Cincinnati on east Tennessee. 

War Department, Washington, Aug. 15, 1861. 
Major- General Fremont, St. Louis: — Been answering 
your messages ever since day before yesterday. Do 
you receive the answers? The War Department has 
notified all the governors you designated to forward 
all available force, and so telegraphed you. Have you 
received these messages ? Answer immediately. 

A. Lincoln. 



pen and voice. 97 

Honorable Secretary' of War. 

'Executive Mansion, August 17, 1861. 
My Dear Sir : — Unless there be reason to the contra- 
ry, not known to me, make out a commission for Simon 
(B.) Buckner, of Kentucky, as a brigadier-general of 
volunteers. It is to be put into the hands of General 
Anderson, and delivered to General Buckner or not, 
at the discretion of General Anderson. Of course it 
is to remain a secret unless and until the commission 
is delivered. Yours truly, A. Lincoln. 

To His Excellency, B. Magoffin, Governor of Ken- 
tucky. 
Washington, D. C., August 24, 1861. 

Sir: — Your letter of the 19th inst., in which you 
urge the removal from the limits of Kentucky of the 
military force now organized and in camp within that 
state, is received. I may not possess full and precisely 
accurate knowledge upon the subject, but I believe it 
is true that there is a military force in camp within 
Kentucky, acting by authority of the United States, 
which force is not very large, and is not now being 
augmented. 

I also believe that some arms have been furnished 
to this force by the United States. 

I also believe this force consists exclusively of Ken- 
tuckians, having their camp in the immediate vicinity 
of their homes, and not assailing or menacing any of 
the good people of Kentucky. In all I have done in 
the premises, I have acted upon the urgent solicitation 
of many Kentuckians, and in accordance with all the 
Union-loving people of Kentucky. 
9 



98 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 

While I have conversed on this snhject with many 
of the eminent men of Kentucky, including a large 
majority of her members of Congress, I do not re- 
member that any one of them, or any other person 
except your excellency and the bearers of your excel- 
lency's letter, has urged me to move the military force 
from Kentucky, or to disband it. One very worthy 
citizen of Kentucky did solicit me to have the aug- 
menting of the force suspended for a time. 

Taking all the means within my reach to form a 
judgment, I do not believe it is the popular wish of 
Kentucky that this force shall be removed beyond 
her limits; and, with this impression I must respect- 
fully decline to remove it. 

I most cordially sympathize with your Excellency in 
the wish to preserve the peace of my own native State 
of Kentucky. It is with regret T search for, and can 
not find, in your not very short letter, any declaration 
or intimation that you entertain any desire for the 
preservation of the Federal Union. 

Your obedient servant, A. Lincoln. 

Private Letter to Ma j. -Gen. Fremont, Sept. 2, 1861. 

Two points in your proclamation of August 30th, 
give me some anxiety. First. — Should you shoot a 
man, according to the proclamation, the Confederates 
would very certainly shoot our best men in their 
hands, in retaliation ; and so, man for man, indefi- 
nitely. It is, therefore, my order that you allow no 
man to be shot, under the proclamation, without first 
having my approbation and consent. 

Second. — I think there is a great danger that the 



PEN AND VOICE. 99 

closing* paragraph in relation to the confiscation of 
property, and the liberating slaves of traitorous own- 
ers, will alarm our Southern Union friends, and turn 
them against us — perhaps ruin our rather fair pros- 
pect for Kentucky. Allow me, therefore, to ask that 
you will, as of your own motion, modify that para- 
graph so as to conform to the first and fourth sections 
of the Act of Congress entitled, "An Act to Confis- 
cate Property used for Insurrectionary Purposes," 
approved August 6, 1861, and a copy of which act I 
herewith send you. This letter is written in a spirit 
of caution, and not of censure. I send it by special 
messenger in order that it may certainly and speedily 
reach you. Yours very truly, 

A. Lincoln. 

To Mrs. General Fremont. 

Washington, D. C, Sept. 12, 1861. 
My Dear Madam : — Your two notes of to-day are 
lief >re me. I answered the letter you bore me from 
General Fremont, on yesterday, and not hearing from 
you during the day, I sent the answer to him by mail. 
It is not exactly correct, as you say you were told by 
the elder Mr. Blair, to say that I had sent Postmas- 
ter-General Blair to St. Louis to examine into the 
department and report. Postmaster-General Blair 
did go with my approbation, to see and converse 
with General Fremont as a friend. I do not feel au- 
thorized to furnish you with copies of letters in my 
possession without the consent of the writers. No 
impression has been made upon my mind against the 
honor or integrity of General Fremont, and I now 



100 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 

enter my protest against being understood as acting 
in any hostility toward him. 

Your obedient servant, A. Lincoln. 

Hon. Secretary of War. 
Executive Mansion, September 18, 1861. 
My Dear Sir: — To guard against misunderstand- 
ing, I think fit to say that the joint expedition of the 
army and navy, agreed upon some time since, and in 
which General W. T. Sherman was and is to bear a 
conspicuous part, is in nowise to be abandoned, but 
must be ready to move by the first of, or very early in 
October. Let all preparations go forward accord- 
ingly. Yours truly, A. Lincoln. 

Major-General Fremont. 

Washington, September 22, 1861. 
Governor Morton telegraphs as follows: Colonel 
Lane, just arrived by special tram, represents Owens- 
borough, forty miles above Evansville, in possession 
of secessionists. Green river is navigable. Owens- 
borough must be seized. We want a gun-boat sent 
up from Paducah for that purpose. Send up the gun- 
boat if, in your discretion, you think it right. Per- 
haps you had better order those in charge of the Ohio 
river, to guard it vigilantly at all points. 

A. Lincoln. 
Hon. 0. H. Browning. 
Executive Mansion, Washington, Sept. 22, 1861. 
My Dear Sir: — Yours of the seventeenth is just re- 
ceived; and coming from you, I confess it astonishes 
me. That you should object to my adhering to a law, 



PEN AND VOICE. 101 

which you had assisted in making, and presenting to 
me, less than a month before, is odd enough. But 
this is a very small part. General Fremont's procla- 
mation, as to confiscation of property, and the libera- 
tion of slaves, is purely political, and not within the 
range of military law or necessity. If a commanding 
general finds a necessity to seize the farm of a private 
owner, for a pasture, an encampment, or a fortification, 
he has the right to do so, and to so hold it, as long as 
the necessity lasts; and this is within military law, 
because within military necessity. But to say the 
farm shall no longer belong to the owner, or his heirs 
forever, and this, as well when the farm is not needed 
for military purposes as when it is, is purely political, 
without the savor of military law about it. And the 
same is true of slaves. If the general needs them, he 
can seize them and use them, but when the need is 
past, it is not for him to fix their permanent future 
condition. That must be settled according to laws 
made by law-makers, and not by military proclama- 
tions. The proclamation in the point in question is 
simply " dictatorship." It assumes that the general 
may do any thing he pleases — confiscate the lands and 
free the slaves of loyal people, as well as disloyal 
ones. 

And going the whole figure, I have no doubt, 
would be more popular, with some thoughtless peo- 
ple, than that which has been done. But I can not 
assume this reckless position, nor allow others to as- 
sume it on my responsibility. 

You speak of it as being the only means of saving 
the government. On the contrary, it is itself the sur- 



102 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 

render of the government. Can it be pretended that 
it is any longer the government of the United States 
— any government of Constitution and laws — wherein 
a general or a president may make permanent rules 
of property by proclamation. 

I do not say Congress might not, with propriety, 
pass a law on the point, just such as General Fremont 
proclaimed. I do not say I might not, as a member 
of Congress, vote "for it. What I object to is, that I, 
as President, shall expressly and impliedly seize and 
exercise the permanent legislative functions of the 
government. 

So much as to principle. Now as to policy. No 
doubt the thing was popular in some quarters, and 
would have been more so if it had been a general 
declaration of emancipation. The Kentucky legisla- 
ture would not budge till that proclamation was modi- 
lied ; and General Anderson telegraphed me that on 
the news of General Fremont having actually issued 
deeds of manumission, a whole company of our vol- 
unteers threw down their arms and disbanded. I 
was so assured as to think it probable that the very 
arms we had furnished Kentucky would be turned 
against us. 

I think to lose Kentucky is nearly the same as to 
lose the whole game. Kentucky gone, we can not 
hold Missouri, nor, as I think, Maryland. These all 
against us, and the job on our hands is too large for 
us. We would as well consent to separation at once, 
including the surrender of this capital. On the con- 
trary, if you will give up your restlessness for new 
positions, and back me manfully on the grounds upon 



PEN AND VOICE. 103 

which you and other kind friends gave me the elec- 
tion, and have approved in ray public documents, we 
shall go through triumphantly. 

You must not understand I took my course on the 
proclamation because of Kentucky. I took the same 
ground in a private letter to General Fremont before 
I heard from Kentucky. 

You think I am inconsistent because I did not also 
forbid General Fremont to shoot men under the procla- 
mation. I understand that part to be within military 
law, but I also think, and so privately wrote General 
Fremont, that it is impolitic in this, that our adver- 
saries have the power, and will certainly exercise it, 
to shoot as many of our men as we shoot of theirs. 
I did not say this in the public letter, because it is a 
subject I prefer not to discuss in the hearing of our 
enemies. 

There has been no thought of removing General 
Fremont on any ground connected with his procla- 
mation ; and if there has been any wish for his re- 
moval on any ground, our mutual friend, Sam Glover, 
can probably tell you what it was. I hope no real 
necessity for it exists on any ground. Your friend, 
as ever, A. Lincoln. 

To the Commander of the Department of the West. 
Washington, D. C, October 24, 1861. 
Sir: — The command of the Department of the 
West .having devolved upon you, I propose to offer 
you a few suggestions. Knowing how hazardous it 
is to bind down a distant commander in the field to 
specific lines and operations, as so much always de- 



104 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 

pends upon a knowledge of localities and passing 
events, it is intended, therefore, to leave a considerable 
margin for the exercise of your judgment and 
discretion. 

The main rebel army (Price's) west of the Missis- 
sippi is believed to have passed Dade county in full 
retreat upon North-western Arkansas,leavingMissouri 
almost freed from the enemy, excepting in the south- 
east of the state. Assuming this basis of fact, it seems 
desirable, as you are not likely to overtake Price, 
and are in danger of making too long a line from 
your base of supplies and re-inforcements, that you 
should give up the pursuit, halt your main army, 
divide it into two corps of observation, one occupying 
Sedalia and the other Rolla, the present termini of 
railroad; then recruit the condition of both corps by 
re-establishing and improving their discipline and in- 
structions, perfecting their clothing and equipments, 
and providing less uncomfortable quarters. 

Of course, both railroads must be guarded and kept 
open, judiciously employing just so much force as is 
necessary for this. From these two points, Sedalia 
and Rolla, and especially in judicious co-operation 
with Lane on the Kansas border, it would be so easy 
to concentrate and repel any army of the enemy re- 
turning on Missouri, from the south-west, that it is not 
probable any such attempt to return will be made 
before or during the approaching cold weather. Be- 
fore spring the people of Missouri will probably.be in 
no favorable mood to renew for the next year the 
troubles which have so much afflicted and mi- 
proverished them during this. 



PEN AND VOICE. 105 

If you adopt this line of policy, and if, as I antici- 
pate, you will see no enemy in great force approaching, 
you will have a surplus offeree, which you can with- 
draw from these points and direct to others, as may 
he needed, the railroads furnishing ready means of 
re-inforcing their main points if necessity requires. 
Doubtless local uprisings will for a time continue to 
occur, but these can be met by detachments and local 
forces of our own, and will ere long tire out of them 
selves. 

While, as stated in the beginning of the letter, a 
large discretion must be and is left to yourself, I feel 
sure that an indefinite pursuit of Price, or any attempt 
by this long and circuitous route to reach Memphis, 
will be exhaustive beyond endurance, and will end in 
the loss of the whole force engaged in it. 

Your obedient servant, A. Lincoln. 

Letter of the President on the occasion of the 
Resignation of Gen. Scott. 
On the first day of November, a. d. 1861, upon his 
own application to the President of the United States, 
Brevet Lieutenant-Gen. Winfield Scott is ordered to 
be placed, and hereby is placed, upon the list of retired 
officers of the army of the United States, without re- 
duction in his current pay, subsistence or allowances. 
The American people will hear with sadness and deep 
emotion that Gen. Scott has withdrawn from the 
active control of the army, while the President and 
the unanimous cabinet express their own and the 
nation's sympathy in his personal affliction, and their 
profound sense of the important public services ren- 



106 ABRAHAM LINCOLN S 

dered by him to his country during his long and 
brilliant career, among which will ever be gratefully 
distinguished his faithful devotion to the Constitution, 
the Union, and the flag, when assailed by parricidal 
rebellion. A. Lincoln. 

Upon presenting the foregoing letter the President 
added : — 

General: — You will naturally feel solicitude about 
the gentlemen of your staff, who have rendered you 
and their country such faithful service. I have taken 
that subject into consideration. I understand that 
they go with you to New York. I shall desire them 
at their earliest convenience, after their return, to 
make their wishes known to me. I desire you now, 
however, to be satisfied that, except the unavoidable 
privation of your counsel, and society, which they 
have so long enjoyed, the provision which will be 
made for them will be such as to render their situation 
hereafter as agreeable as it has been heretofore. 

Letter on Missouri Matters. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, Nov. 5, 1861. 
The governor of the State of Missouri, acting un- 
der the direction of the convention of that state, pro- 
poses to the government of the United States, that 
he will raise a military force, to serve within the state 
as state militia during the war there, to co-operate 
with the troops in the service of the United States in 
repelling the invasion of the state and suppressing 
rebellion therein: the said state militia to be embod- 



PEN AND VOICE. 107 

ied and to be held in the camp and in the field, drilled, 
disciplined and governed according to the arniv regu- 
lations and subject to the Articles of War; the said 
state militia nut to be ordered out ot the state except 
for the immediate defense of the State of Missouri, 
but to co-operate with the troops in the service of the 
United State in military operations within the state 
or necessary to its defense, and when officers of the 
state militia act with officers in the service of the 
United States of the same grade, the officers of the 
United States shall command the combined force ; the 
state militia to be armed, equipped, clothed, subsisted, 
transported, and paid by the United States during 
such time as they shall be actually engaged as an em- 
bodied military force in the service in accordance 
with regulations of the United States army or gen- 
eral orders as issued from time to time. 

In order that the Treasury of the United States 
may not be burdened with the pay of unnecessary 
officers, the governor proposes that, although the 
state law requires him to appoint upon the general 
staff an adjutatant-general, a commissary-general, an 
inspector-general, a quartermaster-general, a pay- 
master-general, and a surgeon-general, each with the 
rank of colonel of cavalry, yet he proposes that the 
government of the United States pay only the adju- 
tant-general, the quartermaster-general, and the in- 
spector-general, their services being necessary in the 
relations which would exist between the state militia 
and the United States. 

The governor further proposes that, while he is 
allowed by the state law to appoint aides-de-camp to 



108 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 

the governor at his discretion, with the rank of col- 
onel, three only shall be reported to the United States 
for payment. He also proposes that the state militia 
shall be commanded by a single major-general, and 
by such number of brigadier-generals as shall allow 
one for a brigade of not less than four regiments, and 
that no greater number of staff officers shall be ap- 
pointed for regimental, brigade and division duties 
than is provided for in the act of Congress of the 
22d of July, 1861, and that whatever be the rank of 
such officers as fixed by the law of the state, the com- 
pensation that they shall receive from the United 
States shall only be that which belongs to the rank 
given by said act of Congress to officers in the United 
States service performing the same duties. 

The field officers of a regiment in the state militia 
are one colonel, one lieutenant-colonel, and one major, 
and the company officers are a captain, a first lieuten- 
ant, and a second lieutenant. 

The governor proposes that, as the money to lie 
disbursed is the money of the United States, such 
staff officers in the service of the United States as 
may be necessary to act as disbursing officers for the 
state militia shall be assigned by the War Department 
for that duty ; or, if such can not be spared from 
their present duty, he will appoint such persons dis- 
bursing officers for the state militia as the President 
of the United States may designate. Such regula- 
tions as may be required, in the judgment of the 
president, to insure regularity of returns and to pro- 
tect the United States from any fraudulent practices, 



PEN AND VOICE. 109 

shall be observed and obeyed by all in office in the 
state militia. 

The above propositions arc accepted on the part of 
United States, and the Secretary of War is directed 
to make the necessary orders upon the ordnance, 
commissary, pay and medical department to carry 
this agreement into effect. He will cause the neces- 
sary staff officers in the United States service to be 
detailed for duty in connection with the Missouri 
state militia, and will order them to make the neces- 
sary provision in their respective offices for fulfilling 
this agreement. All requisitions upon the different 
officers of the United States, under this agreement, 
to be made in substance in the same mode for the 
Missouri state militia, as similar requisitions are made 
for troops in the service of the United States, and the 
Secretary of War will cause any additional regula- 
tions that may be necessary to insure regularity and 
economy in carrying this agreement into effect to be 
adopted and communicated to the governor of Mis- 
souri, for the government of the Missouri state 
militia. 

November 6, 1861. 

This plan approved, with the modification that the 
governor stipulates that when he commissions a ma- 
jor-general of militia, it shall be the same person at 
the time in command of the United States Depart- 
ment of the West ; and in case the United States shall 
change such commander of the department, he, the 
Governor, will revoke the state commission given to 
person relieved, and give one to the person substi- 



110 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 

tuted to the United States command of said depart- 
ment. A. Lincoln. 

To Major-General H. W. Halleck, Commanding in 
the Department of Missouri. 

December 2, 1861. 

General : — As an insurrection exists in the United 
States and is in arms in the State of Missouri, you 
are hereby authorized and empowered to suspend the 
writ of habeas corpus within the limits of the military 
division under your command, and to exercise mar- 
tial law as you find it necessary in your discretion, to 
secure the public safety and the authority of the 
United States. 

In witness whereof I have hereunto set my hand 
and cause the seal of the United" States to be affixed, 
ct Washington, this second day of December, a. d. 
1861. A. Lincoln. 

President Lincoln's First Annual Message, Decem- 
ber 3, 1861. 

Fellow-citizens of the Senate and House of Represent- 
atives: — In the midst of unprecedented political 
troubles, we have cause of great gratitude to God 
for unusual good health and most abundant har- 
vests. 

You will not be surprised to learn that in the pecu- 
liar exigencies of the times, our intercourse with for- 
eign nations has been attended with profound solic- 
itude, chiefly turning upon our own domestic affairs. 

A disloyal portion of the American people have, 
during the whole year, been engaged in an attempt 



PEN AND VOICE. HI 

to divide and destroy the Union. A nation which 
endures factious domestic divisions, is exposed to dis- 
respect abroad ; and one party, if not both, is sure, 
sooner or later, to invoke foreign intervention. 

Nations thus tempted to interfere are not always 
able to resist the counsels of seeming expediency and 
ungenerous ambition, although measures adopted un- 
der such influences seldom fail to be unfortunate and 
injurious to those adopting them. 

The disloyal citizens of the United States, who have 
offered the ruin of our country in return for the aid 
and comfort which they have invoked abroad, have 
received less patronage and encouragement than they 
probably expected. If it were just to suppose, as the 
insurgents have seemed to assume, that foreign nations 
in this case, discarding all moral, social, and treaty 
obligations, would act solely and selfishly for the 
speedy restoration of commerce, including especially, 
the acquisition of cotton, those nations appear, as 
yet, not to have seen their way to their object more 
directly or clearly through the destruction than 
through the preservation of the Union. If we could 
dare to believe that foreign nations are actuated by 
no higher principle than this, I am quite sure a sound 
argument could be made to show them that they can 
reach their aim more readily and easily by aiding to 
crush this rebellion than by giving encouragement 
to it. 

The principal lever relied on by these insurgents 
for exciting foreign nations to hostility against us, as 
already intimated, is the embarrassment of commerce. 
Those nations, however, not improbably, saw from 



112 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 

the first that it was the Union which made as well 
our foreign as our domestic commerce. They can 
scarcely have failed to perceive that the effort for dis- 
union produces the existing difficulty; and that one 
strong nation promises more durable peace, and a 
more extensive, valuable, and reliable commerce, than 
can the same nation broken into hostile fragments. 
It is not my purpose to review our discussions with 
foreign states, because whatever might be their wishes 
or dispositions, the integrity of our country, and the 
stability of our government, mainly depend not upon 
them, but upon the loyalty, virtue, patriotism, and 
intelligence of the American people. The corre- 
spondence itself, with the usual reservations, is here- 
with submitted. I venture to hope it will appear 
that we have practiced prudence and liberality to- 
ward foreign powers, averting causes of irritation, 
and, with firmness, maintaining our own rights and 
honor. 

Since, however, it is apparent that here, as in every 
other state, foreign dangers necessarily attend domes- 
tic difficulties, I recommend that adequate and ample 
measures be adopted for maintaining the public de- 
fenses on every side. While, under this general recom- 
mendation, provision for defending our sea-coast line 
readily occurs to the mind, I also, in the same con- 
nection, ask the attention of Congress to our great 
lakes and rivers. It is believed that some fortifica- 
tions and depots of arms and munitions, with harbor 
and navigation improvements, all at well selected 
points upon these, would be of great importance to 
the national defense and preservation. I ask atten- 



PEN AND VOICE. 113 

tion to the views of the Secretary of War, expressed 
in his report, upon the same general subject. . . . 

By the act of the 5th of August last, Congress au- 
thorized the president to instruct the commanders of 
suitable vessels to defend themselves against, and to 
capture pirates. This authority has been exercised 
in single instances only. For the more effectual pro- 
tection of our extensive and valuable commerce, in 
the eastern seas especially, it seems to me that it 
would also be advisable to authorize the commanders 
of sailing vessels to recapture any prizes which pirates 
may make of United States vessels and their cargoes, 
and the consular courts, now established by law in 
eastern countries, to adjudicate the case, in the event 
that this should not be objected to by the local au- 
thorities. 

If any good reason exists why we should persevere 
longer in withholding our recognition of the inde- 
pendence and sovereignty of Hayti and Liberia, I am 
unable to discern it. Unwilling, however, to inau- 
gurate a novel policy in regard to them without the 
approbation of Congress, I submit for your consider- 
ation the expediency of an appropriation for main- 
taining a charge d'affaires near each of those new 
states. It does not admit of doubt that important 
commercial advantages might be secured by favorable 
treaties with them. . . . 

The execution of the laws for the suppression of 
the African slave-trade has been confided to the De- 
partment of the Interior. It is a subject of gratula- 
tion that the efforts which have been made for the 
suppression of this inhuman traffic have been re- 
10 



114 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 

cently. attended with unusual success. Five vessels 
being fitted out for the slave trade have been seized 
and condemned. 

Two mates of vessels engaged in the trade, and one 
person in equipping a vessel as a slaver, have been 
convicted and subjected to the penalty of fine and 
imprisonment; and one captain, taken with a cargo 
of Africans on board his vessel, has been convicted of 
the highest grade of offense under our laws, the pun- 
ishment of which is death. 

The territories of Colorado, Dakota, and Nevada, 
created by the last Congress, have been organized, 
and civil administration has been inaugurated therein 
under auspices especially gratifying, when it is con- 
sidered that the leaven of treason was found existing 
in some of these new countries when the Federal of- 
ficers arrived there. The abundant natural resources 
of these territories, with the security and protection 
afforded by organized government, will doubtless in- 
vite to them a large immigration when peace shall 
restore the business of the country to its accustomed 
channels. I submit the resolutions of the legislature 
of Colorado, which evidence the patriotic spirit of the 
people of the territory. So far the authority of the 
United States has been upheld in all the territories, 
as it is hoped it will be in the future. I commend 
their interests and defense to the enlightened and 
generous care of Congress. 

I recommend to the favorable consideration of Con- 
gress the interests of the District of Columbia. The 
insurrection has been the cause of much suffering and 
sacrifice to its inhabitants, and as they have no rep- 



PEN AND VOICE. 115 

resentative in Congress, that body should not over- 
look their just claims upon the Government. . . . 

The war continues. In considering the policy to 
be adopted for suppressing the insurrection, I have 
been anxious and careful that the inevitable conflict 
for this purpose shall not degenerate into a violent 
and remorseless revolutionary struggle. I have, 
therefore, in every case, thought it proper to keep the 
integrity of the Union prominent as the primary ob- 
ject of the contest on our part, leaving all questions 
which are not of vital importance to the more delib- 
erate action of the legislature. 

In the exercise of my best discretion, I have adhered 
to the blockade of the ports held by the insurgents, 
instead of putting in force, by proclamation, the law 
of Congress enacted at the late session, for closing 
those ports. 

So, also, obeying the dictates of prudence, as well 
as the obligations of law, instead of transcending, I 
have adhered to the act of Congress to confiscate 
property used for insurrectionary purposes. If a new 
law upon the same subject shall be proposed, its 
propriety will be duly considered. The Union must 
be preserved ; and hence all indispensable means must 
be employed. We should not be in haste to determine 
that radical and extreme measures, which may reach 
the loyal as well as the disloyal, are indispensable. 

The inaugural address at the beginning of the ad- 
ministration, and the message to Congress at the late 
special session, were both mainly devoted to the do- 
mestic controversy out of which the insurrection and 
consequent war have sprung. 



116 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 

Nothing now occurs to add or substract, to or from, 
the principles or general purposes, stated and ex- 
pressed in those documents. 

The last ray of hope for preserving the Union peace- 
ably, expired at the assault upon Fort Sumter ; and a 
general review of what has occured since may not be 
unprofitable. "What was painfully uncertain then, is 
much better defined and more distinct now; and the 
progress of events is plainly in the right direction. 
The insurgents confidently claimed a strong support 
from north of Mason and Dixon's line ; and the friends 
of the Union were not free from apprehension on the 
point. This, however, was soon settled definitely, and 
on the right side. South of the line, noble little Del- 
aware led off right from the first. Maryland was 
made to seem against the Union. Oar soldiers were 
assaulted, bridges were burned, and railroads were 
torn up within her limits; and we were many days, 
at one time, without the ability to bring a single regi- 
ment over her soil to the capital. Now her bridges 
and railroads are repaired and open to the Govern- 
ment; she already gives seven regiments to the cause 
of the Union, and none to the enemy ; and her people, 
at a regular election, have sustained the Union by a 
larger majority and a larger aggregate vote than they 
ever before gave to any candidate or any question. 
Kentucky, too, for some time in doubt, is now de- 
cidedly, and I think, unchangeably ranged on the 
side of the Union. Missouri is comparatively quiet, 
and, I believe, can not again be overrun by the insur- 
rectionists. These three states of Maryland, Kentucky 
and Missouri, neither of which would promise a single 



PEN AND VOICE. 117 

soldier at first, have now an aggregate of not less than 
forty thousand in the field for the Union ; while of 
their citizens, certainly not more than a third of that 
number, and they of doubtful whereabouts and doubt- 
ful existence, are in arms against it. After a some- 
what bloody struggle of months, winter closes on the 
Union people of western Virginia, leaving them mas- 
ters of their own country. 

An insurgent force of about fifteen hundred, for 
months dominating the narrow peninsular region con- 
stituting the counties of Accomac and Northampton, 
and known as'the eastern shore of Virginia, together 
with some contiguous parts of Maryland, have laid 
down their arms; and the people there have renewed 
their allegiance to, and accepted the protection of the 
old liag. This leaves no armed insurrectionist north 
of the Potomac, or east of the Chesapeake. 

Also, we have obtained a footing at each of the 
isolated points on the southern coast — of Ilatteras, 
Port Royal, Tybee Island near Savannah, and Ship 
Island; and we likewise have some general accounts 
of popular movements in behalf of the Union in North 
Carolina and Tennessee. 

These things demonstrate that the cause of the 
Union is advancing steadily and certainly southward. 

It is not needed, nor fitting here, that a general ar- 
gument should be made in favor of popular institutions; 
but there is one point, with its connections, not so 
hackneyed as most others, to which I ask a brief at- 
tention. It is the effort to place capital on an equal 
footing with, if not above, labor, in the structure of 



118 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 

the Government. It is assumed that labor is available 
only in connection with capital; that nobody labor- 
unless somebody else, owning capital, somehow by the 
use of it induces him to labor. 

This assumed, it is next considered whether it is 
best that capital shall hire laborers, and thus induce 
them to work by their own consent, or buy them, and 
drive them to it without their consent. Having pro- 
ceeded so for, it is naturally concluded that all laborers 
are either hired laborers or what we call slaves. And 
further, it is assumed that whoever is once a hired 
laborer, is fixed in that condition for life. 

Now, there is no such relation between capital and 
labor as assumed ; nor is there any such thing as a 
free man being fixed for life in the condition of a hired 
laborer. Both these assumptions are false, and all 
inferences from them are groundless. Labor is prior 
to and independent of capital — capital is only the fruit 
of labor, and could never have existed if labor had not 
first existed. Labor is the superior of capital, and de- 
serves much the higher consideration. Capital has 
its rights, which are as worthy of protection as any 
other rights. Nor is it denied that there is, and prob- 
ably always will be, a relation between labor and 
capital, producing mutual benefits. The error is in 
assuming that the whole labor of the community exists 
within that relation. A few men own capital, and 
those few avoid labor themselves, and with their cap- 
ital, hire or buy another few to labor for them. A 
large majority belong to neither class — neither work 
for others, nor have others working for them. In 
most of the southern states, a majority of the whole 



PEN AND VOICE. 119 

people of all colors are neither slaves nor masters; 
while in the northern, a large majority are neither 
hirers nor hired. Men, with their families, wives, 
sons and (laugh tors— work for themselves, on their 
farms, in their houses, and in their shops, taking the 
whole product to themselves, and asking no favors of 
capital on the one hand, nor of hired laborers or slaves 
on the other. 

It is not forgotten that a considerable number of 
persons mingle their own labor with capital — that is, 
they labor with their own hands, and also bin or 
hire others to labor for them ; but this is only a 
mixed, and not a distinct class. No principle stated 
is disturbed by the existence of this mixed class. 
Again : as has already been said, there is not of neces- 
sity any such thing as the free hired laborer being- 
fixed to that condition for life. Many independent 
men every-where in these states, a few years back in 
their lives, were hired laborers. The prudent, penni- 
less beginner in the world, labors for wages awhile. 
saves a surplus with which to buy tools or land for 
himself, then labors on his own account another while, 
and at length hires another new beginner to help him. 
This is the just and generous and prosperous system, 
which opens the way to all, gives hope to all, 
and consequent energy and progress, and improve- 
ment of condition to all. 

No men living are more worthy to be trusted, than 
those who toil up from poverty — none less inclined to 
take or touch aught which they have not honestly 
earned. Let them beware of surrendering a political 
power which they already possess, and which, if sur- 



120 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 

rendered, will surely be used to close the door of ad- 
vancement against such as they, and to fix new dis- 
abilities and burdens upon them, till all of liberty 
shall be lost. 

It continues to develop that the insurrection is 
largely, if hot exclusively, a war upon the first prin- 
ciple of popular government — the rights of the peo- 
ple. Conclusive evidence of this is found in the most 
grave and maturely considered public documents, as 
well as in the general tone of the insurgents. In those 
documents we find the abridgment of the existing 
right of suffrage, and the denial to the people of all 
right to participate in the selection of public officers, 
except the legislative, boldly advocated, with labored 
arguments to prove that large control of the people 
in government is the source of all political evil. 
Monarchy itself is sometimes hinted at as a possible 
refuge from the power of the people. 

In my present position, I could scarcely be justified 
were I to omit raising a warning voice against this 
approach of returning despotism. 

From the first taking of our national census to the 
last are seventy years; and we find our population at 
the end of the period eight times as great as it was in 
the beginning. The increase of those other things 
which men deem desirable has been even greater. 
We thus have, at one view, what the popular princi- 
ple applied to government, through the machinery of 
the states and the Union, has produced in a given 
time, and also what, if firmly maintained, it promises 



PEN AND VOICE. 121 

for the future. There are already among us those 
who, if the Union be preserved, will live to see it con- 
tain two hundred and fifty millions. The struggle of 
to-day is not altogether for to-day — it is for a vast fu- 
ture also. With a reliance on Providence, all the 
more firm and earnest, let us proceed in the great 
task which events have devolved upon us. 

Washington, December 3, 1861. A. Lincoln. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, January 1, 1862. 
My Dear General Halleck: — General McClellan is 
not dangerously ill, as I hope, but would better not 
be disturbed with business. I am very anxious that, 
in case of General Buell's moving toward Nashville, 
the enemy shall not be greatly re-inforced, and I 
think there is danger he will be from Columbus. 
It seems to me that a real or feigned attack upon 
Columbus from up river at the same time, would 
either prevent this or compensate for it, by throwing 
Columbus into our hands. I wrote General Buell a 
letter similar to this, meaning that he and you shall 
communicate and act in concert, unless it be your 
judgment and his that there is no necessity for it. 
You and he will understand much better than I how 
to do it. Please do not lose time in this matter. 
Yours, very truly, A. Lincoln. 

To Brigadier-General Buell. 
Executive Mansion, Washington, Jan. 6, 1862. 
My Dear Sir: — Your dispatch of yesterday has 
been received, and it disappoints and distresses me. 
I have shown it to General McClellan, who says he will 
11 



122 ABRAHAM LINCOLN^ 

write you to-day. I am not competent to criticise your 
news, and therefore what I offer is merely in justifi- 
cation of myself. Of the two, I would rather have a 
point on the railroad south of Cumberland Gap than 
Nashville — first, because it cuts a great artery of the 
enemy's communication, which Nashville does not; 
and, secondly, because it is in the midst of loyal peo- 
ple, who would rally around it, while Nashville is 
not. Again, I can not see why the movement on East 
Tennessee would not be a diversion in your favor 
rather than a disadvantage, assuming that a move- 
ment toward Nashville is the main object. But my 
distress is that our friends in East Tennessee are be- 
ing hanged and driven to despair, and even now I 
fear are thinking of taking rebel arms for the sake of 
personal protection. In this we lose the most valu- 
able stake we have in the South. My dispatch, to 
which yours is an answer, was sent with the knowl- 
edge of Senator Johnson and Representative Maynard, 
of East Tennessee, and they will be upon me to know 
the answer, which I can not safely show them. They 
would despair, possibly resign, to go and save their 
families somehow or die with them. I do not intend 
this to be an order in any sense, but merely as inti- 
mated before, to show you the grounds of my anxiety. 
Yours very truly, A. Lincoln. 

To Brigadier-General D. C. Buell, Louisville. 
Washington, January 7, 1862. 

Please name as early a day as you safely can, on or 
before which you can be ready to move northward in 
concert with Major-General Halleck. Delay is ruin- 



PEN AND VOICE. 123 

ing us, and it is indispensable for me to have some- 
thing definite. I send a like dispatch to Major-Gen- 
eral Halleck. A. Lincoln. 

To Brigadier-General Buell. 
Executive Mansion, Washington, Jan. 13, 18G2. 

My Dear Sir: — Your dispatch of yesterday is re- 
ceived, in which you say, " I received your letter and 
General McClellan's, and will at once devote my 
efforts to your views and his." In the midst of my 
many cares I have not seen, nor asked to sec, Gen- 
eral McClellan's letter to you. For my own views, I 
have not offered, and do not now offer them as or- 
ders; and while I am glad to have them respectfully 
considered, I would blame you to follow them con- 
trary to your own clear judgment, unless I should 
put them in the form of orders. As to General Mc- 
Clellan's views, you understand your duty in regard 
to them better than I do. With this preliminary I 
state my general idea of this war to be, that we havo 
the greater numbers and the enemy has the greater 
facility of concentrating forces upon points of collis- 
ion ; that we must fail unless we can find some way 
of making our advantage an overmatch for his ; and 
that this can only Vie done by menacing him with 
superior forces at different points at the same time, so 
that we can safely attack one or both if he makes no 
change; and if he weakens one to strengthen the 
other, forbear to attack the strengthened one, but 
seize and hold the weakened one, gaining so much. 

To illustrate: Suppose last summer when Win- 
chester ran away to enforce Manassas, we had for- 



124 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 

borne to attack Manassas, but had seized and held 
Winchester. I mention this to illustrate and not to 
criticise. I did not lose confidence in McDowell, and 
I think less harshly of Patterson than some others 
seem to. Application of the general rule I am suggest- 
ing, everv particular case will have its modifying 
circumstances, among which the most constantly 
present and most difficult to meet will be the want of 
perfect knowledge of the enemy's movements. This 
had its part in the Bull Run case ; but worse in that 
case was the expiration of the terms of the three 
months' men. 

Applying the principle to your case, my idea is 
that Halleck shall menace Columbus and "down- 
river " generally, while you menace Bowling Green 
and East Tennessee. If the enemy shall concentrate 
at Bowling Green do not retire from his front, yet do 
not fight him there either, but seize Columbus and 
East Tennessee, one or both, left exposed by the con- 
centration at Bowling Green. 

It is a matter of no small anxiety to me, and one 
which I am sure you will not overlook, that the East 
Tennessee is so long and over so bad a road. 

Yours very truly, A. Lincoln. 

To Major- General Halleck. 
Executive Mansion, Washington, Jan. 15, 1862. 
My Dear Sir: — The Germans are true and patri- 
otic, and so far as they have got cross in Missouri it 
is upon mistake and misunderstanding. 

Without a knowledge of its contents Governor 
Koerner, of Illinois, will hand you this letter. He is 



PEN AND VOICE. 125 

an educated and talented German gentleman, as trm» 
a man as lives. 

With his assistance you can set every thing right 
with the Germans. I write this without his knowledge, 
asking him at the same time, by letter, to deliver it. 
My clear judgment is that, with, reference to the 
German element in your command, you should have 
Governor Koerner with you ; and if agreeable to you 
and him, I will make him a brigadier-general, so that 
he can afford to so give his time. 

lie does not wish to command in the field, though 
he has more military knowledge than many who do. 
If he goes into the place he will simply be an efficient, 
zealous, and unselfish assistant to you. I say all this 
upon intimate personal acquaintance with Governor 
Koerner. Yours very truly, A. Lincoln. 

To the Secretary of War. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, January 31, 1862. 

My Dear Sir: — It is my wish that the expedition 
commonly called the "Lane Expedition," shall be as 
much as has been promised at the adjutant-general's 
office under the supervision of General McClellan, 
and not any more. I have not intended, and do not 
now intend that it shall be a great, exhausting affair, 
but a snug, sober column of 10,000 or 15,000. Gen- 
eral Lane has been told by me many times that he is 
under the command of General Hunter, and assented 
to it as often as told. It was the distinct agreement 
between him and me when I appointed him, that 
he was to be under Hunter. Yours truly, 

A. Lincoln. 



126 abraham lincoln's 

Special War Order No. 1, January 31, 1862. 
Ordered: That all the disposable forces of the Army 
of the Potomac, after providing safely for the defense 
of Washington, be formed into an expedition for the 
immediate object of seizing and occupying a point 
upon the railroad southwestward of what is known 
as Manassas Junction; all details to be in the direc- 
tion of the general-in-chief, and the expedition to 
move before or on the 22d day of February next. 

A. Lincoln. 

Letter to General McClellan, February 3, 1862. 

My Dear Sir: — You and I have distinct and differ- 
ent plans for a movement of the Army of the Poto- 
mac. Yours to be done by the Chesapeake, up the 
Rappahannock to Urbanna, and across to the terminus 
of the railroad on the York river; mine to move di- 
rectly to a point on the railroad south-west of Man- 
assas. 

If you will give me satisfactory answers to the 
following questions, I shall gladly yield my plan 
to yours : 

1. Does not your plan involve a greatly larger ex- 
penditure of time and money than mine? 

2. Wherein is a victory more certain by your plan 
than mine? 

3. Wherein is a victory more valuable by your plan 
than mine ? 

4. In fact, would it not be less valuable in this; 
that it would break no great line of the enemy's com- 
munications, while mine would? 



PEN AND VOICE. 127 

5. In case of disaster, would not a retreat be more 
difficult by your plan than mine. Yours truly, 

A. Lincoln. 

To Major-General Hunter and Brigadier-General 
Lane, Leavenworth, Kansas. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, February 10, 1862. 

My wish has been and is to avail the Government 
of the services of both General Hunter and General 
Lane, and, so far as possible, to personally oblige both. 

General Hunter is the senior officer, and must com- 
mand when they serve together; though in so far as 
he can, consistently with the public service and his 
own honor, oblige General Lane, he will also 
oblige me. 

If they can not come to an amiable understanding, 
General Lane must report to General Hunter for 
duty, according to rules, or decline the service. 

A. Lincoln. 

To Major-General Halleck, St. Louis Mo. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, February 16, 1862. 

You have Fort Donelson safe, unless Grant shall be 
overwhelmed from outside; to prevent which latter 
will, I think, require all the vigilance, energy and 
skill of yourself and Buell, acting in full co-opera- 
tion. Columbus will not get at Grant, but the full 
force from Bowling Green will. They hold the rail- 
road from Bowling Green to within a few r miles of 
Fort Donelson, with the bridge at Clarksville undis- 
turbed. It is unsafe to rely that they will not dare to 
expose Nashville to Buell. A small part of their 



128 ABRAHAM LINCOLN S 

force can retire slowly toward Nashville, breaking up 
the railroad as they go, and keep Buell out of that 
city twenty days. Meanwhile, Nashville will be 
abundantly defended by forces from all south, and 
perhaps from here at Manassas. Could not a cavalry 
force from General Thomas on the upper Cumberland 
dash across, almost unresisted, and cut the railroad 
at or near Ivnoxville, Tenn. ? In the midst of a bom- 
bardment at Fort Donelson, why could not a gun-boat 
run up and destroy the bridge at Clarksville? Our 
success or failure at Fort Donelson is vastly impor- 
tant, and I beg you to put your soul in the effort. I 
send a copy of this to Buell. A. Lincoln. 

Recommendation to Congress, March 6, 1862. 

I recommend the adoption of a joint resolution by 
your honorable bodies, which shall be substantially as 
follows : 

Resolved, That the United States ought to co-oper- 
ate with any state which may adopt gradual abolish- 
ment of slavery, giving to such state pecuniary aid, 
to be used by such state in its discretion, to compen- 
sate for the inconvenience, both public and private, 
produced by such change of system. 

If the proposition contained in the resolution does 
not meet the approval of Congress and the country, 
there is the end; but if it does command such ap- 
proval, I deem it of importance that the states and 
people immediately interested should be at once dis- 
tinctly notified of the fact, so that they may begin to 
consider whether to accept or reject it. The Federal 
government would find its highest interest in such a 



PEN AND VOICE, 129 

measure, as one of the most efficient means of self- 
preservation. The leaders of the existing insurrec- 
tion entertain the hope that this government will ul- 
timately be forced to acknowledge the independence 
of some part of the disaffected region, and that all 
the slave states north of such part will then say, 
" the Union for which we have struggled being already 
gone, we now choose to go with the southern sec- 
tion." To deprive them of this hope, substantially 
ends the rebellion; and the initiation of emancipation 
completely deprives them of it as to all the states 
initiating it. The point is not that all the states tol- 
erating slavery, would very soon, if at all, initiate 
emancipation; but that, while the offer is equally 
made to all, the more northern shall, by such initia- 
tion, make it certain to the more southern that in no 
event will the former ever join the latter in their pro- 
posed confederacy. I say "initiation," because, in 
my judgment gradual, and not sudden emancipation, 
is better for all. In the mere financial or pecuniary 
view, any member of Congress, with the census tables 
and treasury reports before him, can readily see for 
himself how very soon the current expenditures of 
this war would purchase, at fair valuation, all the 
slaves in any named state. Such a proposition on the 
part of the general government sets up no claim of a 
right by Federal authority to interfere with slavery 
within state limits, referring, as it does, the absolute 
control of the subject in each case to the state and its 
people immediately interested. It is proposed as a 
matter of perfectly free choice with them. 

In the annual message last December, I thought fit 



130 ABRAHAM LINCOLN S 

to say, "the Union must preserved ; and hence all in- 
dispensable means must be employed." I said this 
not hastily, but deliberately. War has been made, 
and continues to be an indispensable means to this 
end. A practical re-acknowledgement of the national 
authority would render the war unnecessary, and it 
would at once cease. If, however, resistance contin- 
ues, the war must also continue; and it is impossible 
to foresee all the incidents which may attend, and all 
the ruin which may follow it. Such as may seem in- 
dispensable, or may obviously promise great efficiency 
toward ending the strugle, must and will come. The 
proposition now made, though an offer only, I hope 
it may be esteemed no offense to ask whether the 
pecuniary consideration tendered would not be of 
more value to the states and private persons con- 
cerned, than are the institution and property in it, in 
the present aspect of affairs. 

While it is true that the adoption of the proposed 
resolution would be merely initiatory, and not within 
itself a practical measure, it is recommended in the 
hope that it would soon lead to important practical 
results. In full view of my great responsibility to 
my God and to my country, I earnestly beg the at- 
tention of Congress and the people to the subject. 

Abraham Lincoln. 

General War Order No. 3, March 8, 1862. 

Ordered: That no change of the base of operations 

of the Army of the Potomac shall be made without 

leaving in and about Washington such a force as, in 

the opinion of the general-in-chief and the command- 



PEN AND VOICE. 131 

ers of all the army corps, shall leave the said city en- 
tirely secure. 

That no more than two army corps (about 50,000 
troops), of said Army of the Potomac shall be moved 
en route for a new base of operations until the navi- 
gation of the Potomac from Washington to the 
Chesapeake bay shall be freed from the enemy's bat- 
teries and obstructions, or until the president shall 
hereafter give express permission. 

That any movement aforesaid en route for a new 
base of operations, which may be ordered by the 
gencral-in-chief, and which may be intended to move 
upon the Chesapeake bay, shall begin to move upon 
the bay as early as the 18th March inst., and the 
general-in-chief shall be responsible that it so move 
as early as that day. 

Ordered: That the army and navy co-operate in an 
immediate effort to capture the enemy's batteries 
upon the Potomac between Washington and the 
Chesapeake bay. A. Lincoln. 

To General D. C. Buell. 

Washington, March 10, 1862. 
The evidence is very strong that the enemy in front 
of us here is breaking up and moving off. General 
McClellan is after him. Some part of the force may 
be destined to meet you. Look out and be prepared. 
I telegraphed Halleck, asking him to assist you, if 
needed. A. Lincoln. 

General War Orders, March 13, 1862. 
First. Leave such force at Manassas Junction as 



132 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 

shall make it entirely certain that the enemy shall 
not repossess himself of that position and line of 
communication. 

Second. Leave Washington secure. 

Third. Move the remainder of the force down the 
Potomac, choosing a new base at Fort Monroe, or 
anywhere between here and there, or, at all events, 
move such remainder of the army, at once, in pursuit 
of the enemy, by some route. A. Lincoln. 

Nomination. 

March 22, 1862. 
The President of the United Slates of America to all 
irho shall see these presents, greeting: Know ye that, re- 
posing special trust and confidence in the patriotism, 
valor, fidelity, and abilities of John Tope, I have 
nominated, and by and with the advice and consent 
of the senate, do appoint him major-general of vol- 
unteers in the service of the United States, to rank 
as such from the 21st day of March, 1862. lie is, 
therefore, carefully and diligently to discharge the 
duty of major-general, by doing and performing all 
manner of things thereunto belonging. And I do 
strictly charge and require all officers and soldiers 
under his command to be obedient to his orders as 
major-general. And he is to observe and follow such 
orders and directions, from time to time, as he shall 
receive from me, or the future President of the United 
States of America, or the general or other superior 
officers set over him, according to the rules and dis- 
cipline of war. This commission to continue in force 



PEN AND VOICE. 133 

during the pleasure of the President of the United 
States for the time being. 

Given under my hand, at the city of Washington, 
this 22d day of March, in the year of our Lord one 
thousand eight hundred and sixty-two, and in the 
eighty-sixth year of the independence of the United 
States. Abraham Lincoln. 

Letter to Gen. McClellan, April 9, 1862. 

My Dear Sir. — Your dispatches, complaining that 
you are not properly sustained, while they do not 
offend me, do pain me very much. 

Blenker's division was withdrawn from you before 
you left here, and you know the pressure under which 
1 did it, and, as I thought, acquiesced in it, certainly 
not without reluctance. 

After you left I ascertained that less than twenty 
thousand unorganized men, without a single held 
battery, were all you designed to be left for the defense 
of Washington and Manassas Junction ; and part of 
this even was to go to General Hooker's old position. 
General Banks's corps, once designed for Manassas 
Junction, was diverted and tied upon the line ol 
Winchester and Strasburg, and could not leave it 
without again exposing the upper Potomac, and the 
Baltimore and Ohio Railroad. This presented (or 
would present, when McDowell and Sumner should 
be gone) a great temptation to the enemy to turn back 
from the Rappahannock and sack Washington. My 
explicit order that Washington should, by the judg- 
ment of all the commanders of army corps, be left en- 



134 ABRAHAM LINCOLN S 

tirely secure, had been neglected. It was precisely 
this that drove me to detain McDowell. 

I do not forget that I was satisfied with your ar- 
rangement to leave Banks at Manassas Junction; 
but when that arrangement was broken up, and nothing 
was substituted tor it, of course, I was constrained to 
substitute something for it myself. And allow me to 
ask, do you really think I should permit the line from 
Richmond via Manassas Junction to this city to be 
entirely open, except what resistance could be pre- 
sented by twenty thousand unorganized troops? This 
is a question which the country will not allow me 
to evade. 

There is a curious mystery about the number of the 
troops now with you. When I telegraphed you on 
the 6th, saying you had over a hundred thousand 
with you, I had just obtained from the secretary of 
war a statement, taken, as lie said, from your own 
returns, making one hundred and eight thousand then 
with you and en route to you. You now say you will 
have but eighty-live thousand when all en route to you 
shall have reached you. 

How can the discrepancy of twenty-three thousand 
be accounted for ? 

As to General Wool's command, I understand it is 
doing lor you precisely what a like number of your 
own would have to do if that command was away. 

I suppose the whole force which has gone forward 
tor you is with you by this time, and if so, I think it 
is the precise time to strike a blow. By delay the en- 
emy will relatively gain upon you — that is, he will 



PEN AND VOICE. 135 

gain faster, by fortifications and re-inf or cements, than 
yon can by re-inforeements alone. 

And once more let me tell yon it is indispensable 
to you that yon strike a blow. / am powerless to 
help this. Yon will do me the justice to remember I 
always insisted that going down the bay in search of 
a field, instead of lighting at or near Manassas, was 
only shifting, and not surmounting, a difficulty; that 
we would find the same enemy, and the same or equal 
intrenchments, at either place. The country will not 
fail to note — is now noting — that the present hesita- 
tion to move upon an intrenched enemy is but the 
story of Manassas repeated. 

I beg to assure you that I have never written you, 
or spoken to you, in greater kindness of feeling than 
now, nor with a fuller purpose to sustain you, so far 
as in my most anxious judgment, I consistently can. 
But you must act. Yours, very truly, 

A. Lincoln. 

Proclamation, April 10, 18G2. 

It has pleased Almighty God to vouchsafe signal 
victories to the land and naval forces engaged in sup- 
pressing an internal rebellion, and at the same time 
to avert from our country the dangers of foreign in- 
tervention and invasion. 

It is therefore recommended to the people of the 
United States, that at their next weekly assemblages 
in their accustomed places of public worship, which 
shall occur after the notice of this proclamation shall 
have been received, they especially acknowledge and 
render thanks to our Heavenly Father for these in- 



136 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 

estimable blessings ; that they then and there implore 
spiritual consolation in behalf of all those who have 
been brought into affliction by the casualties and 
calamities of sedition and civil war; and that they 
reverently invoke the divine guidance for our national 
councils, to the end that they may speedily result in 
the restoration of peace, harmony, and unity through- 
out our borders, and hasten the establishment of 
fraternal relations among all the countries of the earth. 

In witness whereof I have hereunto set my hand 
and caused the seal of the United States to be affixed. 

Done at the city of Washington, the tenth day of 
April, in the year of Our Lord one thousand eight 
hundred and sixty-two, and of the independence of 
the United States the eighty-sixth. 

Abraham Lincoln. 

Message to Congress, April 16, 1862. 

The act entitled " An act for the release of certain 
persons held to service or labor in the District of 
Columbia,'' has this day been approved and signed. 

I have never doubted the constitutional authority 
of Congress to abolish slavery in this district; and I 
have ever desired to see the national capital freed from 
the institution in some satisfactory way. Hence, there 
has never been in my mind any question upon the 
subject except the one of expediency, arising in view of 
all the circumstances. If there be matters within and 
about this act which might have taken a course or 
shape more satisfactory to my judgment, I do not at- 
tempt to specify them. I am gratified that the two 
principles of compensation and colonization, are both 



PEN AND VOICE. 137 

recognized and practically applied in the act. In the 
matter of compensation, it is provided that claims may 
be presented within ninety days from the passage of 
the act, " but not thereafter; " and there is no saving 
for minors, fcmmes covert, insane, or absent persons. I 
presume this is an omission by mere oversight, and I 
recommend that it be supplied by an amendatory or 
supplemental act. Abraham Lincoln. 

To Governor Andrew Johnson, Nashville, Tenn. 
War Department, April 27, 1862. 

Your dispatch of yesterday just received, as also, 
in due course, was your former one. The former one 
was sent to General Halleck, and we have his answer, 
by which I have no doubt he (General Halleck) is in 
communication with you before this. General Hal- 
leck understands better than we can here, and he 
must be allowed to control in that quarter. 

If you are not in communication with Halleck, 
telegraph him at once, freely and frankly. 

A. Lincoln. 

To Flag Officer Goldsborough. 

Fort 3Ionroe, Virginia, May 7, 1862. 
Sir: — Major-General McClellan telegraphs that he 
has ascertained, by a reconnaissance, that the battery 
at Jamestown has been abandoned, and he again re- 
quests that gun-boats may be sent up the James river. 
If you have tolerable confidence that you can success- 
fully contend with the Merrimac without the help of 
the Galena and two accompanying gun-boats, send 
12 



138 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 

the Galena and two gun-boats up the James river at 
once. Please report your action on this to me at 
once. I shall be found either at General Wool's 
headquarters or on board the Miami. 

Your obedient servant, A. Lincoln. 

Letter to General McClellan, May 9, 1862. 
My Dear Sir: — I have just assisted the Secretary 
of War in forming the part of a dispatch to you re- 
lating to army corps, which dispatch, of course, will 
have reached you long before this will. I wish to 
say a few words to you privately on this subject. / 
ordered the army corps organization not only on the 
unanimous opinion of flic tic dee generals of division, but 
also on the unanimous opinion of every military man 1 
could get an opinion from, and every modern military 
book, yourself only excepted. Of course I did not, on 
my own judgment, pretend to understand the sub- 
ject. I now think it indispensable for you to know how 
your struggle against it is received in quarters which we 
can not entirely disregard. It is looked upon as merely 
an effort to pamper one or two pets, and to persecute and 
degrade their supposed rivals. I have had no word from 
Sumner, Heintzclman, or Kcycs. The commanders of 
these corps are, of course, the three highest officials 
with you, but I am constantly told that you have no 
consultation or communication with them, that you 
consult and communicate with nobody but Fitz John 
Porter, and perhaps General Franklin. I do not say 
these complaints are true or just, but, at all events, it 
is proper that you should know of their existence. 



PEN AND VOICE. 139 

Do the commanders of corps disobey your orders in 
any thing? 

When you relieved General Hamilton of his command 
the other day you thereby lost the confidence of at least 
one of your best friends in the senate. And here let me 
say, not as applicable to you personally, that senators 
and representatives speak of me in their places as 
they please without question; and that officers of the 
army must cease addressing insulting letters to them 
for taking no greater liberty with them. But to re- 
turn, arc you strong enough, even with my help, to set 
your foot upon the neck of Sumner, Heintzelman, and 
Keycs, all at once? This is a practical and very serious 
question for you. Yours truly, A.Lincoln. 

To Flag Officer Goldsborough. 

Fort Monroe, Va., May 10, 1862. 
My Dear Sir: — I send you this copy of your report 
of yesterday for the purpose of saying to you in writ- 
ing, that you are quite right in supposing the move- 
ment made by you and therein reported was made in 
accordance with my wishes, verbally expressed to 
you in advance. I avail myself of the occasion to 
thank you for your courtesy and all your conduct, so 
far as known to me, during my brief visit here. 

Yours very truly, A. Lincoln. 

Proclamation Declaring Major-General Hunter's 
Emancipation Orders Null and Void. 

May 19, 1862. 
I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States, 
proclaim and declare that the government of the 



140 ABRAHAM LINCOLN S 

United States had no knowledge or belief of an inten- 
tion on the part of General Hunter to issue such a 
proclamation, nor has it yet any authentic informa- 
tion that the document is genuine, and further, that 
neither General Hunter, nor any other commander, 
or person, has been authorized by the government of 
the United States to make a proclamation declaring 
the slaves of any state free, and that the supposed 
proclamation now in question is altogether void, so 
far as respects such declaration. 

I further make known that whether it be compe- 
tent for me, as commander-in-chief of the army and 
navy, to declare the slaves of any state or states free, - 
and whether at any time or in any case, it shall have 
become a necessity, indispensable to the maintenance 
of the government, to exercise such supposed power, 
are questions which, under my responsibility, I reserve 
to myself, and which I can not feel justified in leav- 
ing to the decision of commanders in the field. 
These are totally different questions from those of 
police regulations in armies and corps. 

On the 6th day of March last, by a special message, 
I recommended to Congress the adoption of a joint 
resolution, to be substantially as follows : 

Resolved, That the United States ought to co-op- 
erate with any state which may adopt a gradual 
abolishment of slavery, giving aid to such state, in its 
discretion, to compensate for the inconveniences, pub- 
lic and private, produced by such change of system. 

The resolution, in the language above quoted, was 
adopted by large majorities in both branches of Con- 
gress j and now stands an authentic, definite and 



PEN AND VOICE. 141 

solemn proposal of the nation to the states and peo- 
ple most immediately interested in the snbject-matter. 
To the people of these states I now earnestly appeal. 
I do not argue, I beseech you to make the arguments 
for yourselves. You can not, if you would, he blind 
to the signs of the times. I beg of you a calm and 
enlarged consideration of them, ranging, if it may be, 
far above personal and partisan politics. 

This proposal makes common cause for a common 
object, casting no reproaches upon any. It acts not 
the Pharisee. The change it contemplates would 
come gently as the dews of heaven, not rending or 
wrecking any thing. Will you not embrace it? So 
much good has not been done by one effort in all past 
time, as in the providence of God it is now your high 
privilege to do. May the vast future not have to la- 
ment that you have neglected it. 

In witness whereof I have hereunto set my hand 
and caused the seal of the United States to be affixed. 

Done at the city of Washington this 19th day of 
May, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight 
hundred and sixty-two, and of the Independence of 
the United States the eighty-sixth. A. Lincoln. 

To Major-General McClellan. 

Washington City, May 21,-1862. 
Your long dispatch of yesterday (to-day) just re- 
ceived. You will have just such control of General 
McDowell and his force as you therein indicate. Mc- 
Dowell can reach you by land sooner than he could 
get aboard of boats, if the boats were ready at Fred- 
ericksburg, unless his march shall be resisted, in 



142 ABRAHAM LINCOLN S 

which case the force resisting him will certainly not 
be confronting you at Richmond. By land he can 
reach you in five days after starting, whereas by 
water he would not reach you in two weeks, judging 
by past experience. Franklin's single division did 
not reach you in ten days after I ordered it. 

A. Lincoln. 
To General Saxton. 
War Department, May 24, 1862, 1 P. M. 
Geary reports Jackson with 20,000 moving from 
Ashby's Gap, by the Little River Turnpike, through 
Aldie, toward Centreville. This he says is reliable. 
He is also informed of large forces south of him. 
We know of a force of some 15,000 broke up Satur- 
day night from in front of Fredericksburg, and went 
we know not where. Please inform us, if possible, 
what has become of the force which pursued Banks 
yesterday ; also any other information you have. 

A. Lincoln. 

To Major-General Fremont, Franklin. 

War Department, May 24, 1862, 4 P. M. 
You are authorized to purchase 400 horses or take 
them whenever and however you can get them. The 
exposed condition of General Banks makes his im- 
mediate relief a point of paramount importance. You 
are therefore directed by the president to move 
against Jackson at Harrisonburg, and operate against 
the enemy in such way as to relieve Banks. The 
movement must be made immediately. 

You will acknowledge the receipt of this order and 
specify the hour it was received by you. 

A. Lincoln. 



PEN AND VOICE. 143 

To Major-General McDowell. 

Washington, May 24, 1862. 

General Fremont has been ordered by telegraph 
to move to Franklin and Harrisonburg to relieve Gen- 
oral Banks, and capture or destroy Jackson's and 
Ewell's forces. 

You are instructed, laying aside for the present 
the movement on Richmond, to put twenty thousand 
men in motion at once for the Shenandoah, moving 
on the line, or in advance of the line, of the Manas- 
sas Gap Railroad. Your object will be to capture 
the forces of Jackson and Ewell, either in co-opera- 
tion with General Fremont, or, in case want of sup- 
plies or transportation has interfered with his move- 
ment, it is believed that the force which you move 
will be sufficient to accomplish the object alone. 
The information thus far received here makes it 
probable that, if the enemy operates actively against 
General Banks, you will not be able to count upon 
much assistance from him, but may have even to re- 
relieve him. 

Reports received this morning are that Banks is 
lighting with Ewell eight miles from Harper's Ferry. 

A. Lincoln. 

To Major-General Fremont, Franklin, Ya. 
War Department, May 24, 1862, 7:15 P. M. 
Many thanks for the promptness with which you 
have answered that you will execute the order. 
Much — perhaps all — depends upon the celerity with 
which you can execute it. Put the utmost speed 
into it. Do not lose a moment. A. Lincoln. 



J U ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 

To Major-General Halleck, near Corinth, Miss. 
War Department, May 24, 1862. 

Several dispatches from Assistant Secretary Scott, 
and one from Governor Martin, asking reinforce- 
ments for you, have been received. I beg you to be 
assured we do the best we can. I mean to cast no 
blame when I tell you each of our commanders along 
our line from Richmond to Corinth supposes himself 
to be confronted by numbers superior to his own. 

Under this pressure, we thinned the line on the 
Upper Potomac, until yesterday it was broken at 
heavy loss to us, and General Banks put in great 
peril, out of which lie is not yet extricated, and may 
be actually captured. We need men to repair this 
breach, and have them not at hand. 

My dear general, I feel justified to rely very much 
on you. I believe you, and the brave officers and 
men with you, can and will get the victory at Cor- 
inth. A. Lincoln. 

To General Saxton, Harper's Ferry. 
War Department, May 25, 1862, 4:15 P. 31. 
If Banks reaches Martinsburg, is he any the better 
for it? Will not the enemy cut him off from thence 
to Harper's Ferry ? Have you sent any thing to 
meet him, and assist him at Martinsburg? This is 
an inquiry, not an order. A. Lincoln. 

To Major-General McClellan. 

Washington, May 25, 1802, 2 P. 31. 
The enemy is moving north in sufficient force to 
drive General Banks before him, precisely in what 



PEN AND VOICE. 145 

force we can not tell. He is also threatening Lees- 
burg and Geary, on the Manassas Gap Railroad, from 
both north and south — in precisely what force we 
can not tell. "1 think the movement is a general and 
concerted one, such as would not be if he was act- 
ing upon the purpose of a very desperate defense 
of Richmond. I think the time is near when you 
must either attack Richmond, or give up the job, 
and come to the defense of Washington. Let me 
hear from you instantly. A. Lincoln. 

To Major-General McClellan. 

Washington, May 25, 1862. 

Your dispatch received. General Banks was at 
Strasburg, with about 6,000 men" Shields having 
taken from him to swell a column for McDowell to 
aid you at Richmond, and the rest of his force scat- 
tered at various places. On the 23d, a rebel force of 
7,000 to 10,000 fell upon one regiment and two com- 
panies, guarding the bridge at Front Royal, destroy- 
ing it entirely, crossed the Shenandoah, and on the 
24th (yesterday) pushed on to get north of Banks; 
on the road to Winchester. General Banks ran a 
race with them, beating them into Winchester yes- 
terday evening. 

This morning a battle ensued between the two 
forces, in which General Banks was beaten back into 
full retreat toward Martinsburg, and probably is 
broken up into a total rout. Geary, on the Manassas 
Gap Railroad, just now reports that Jackson is now 
near Front Royal, with 10,000 troops, following up 
13 



1 10 ABRAHAM LINCOLN S 

and supporting, as I understand, the force now pur- 
suing Banks. Also that another force of 10,000 is 
near Orleans, following on the same direction. Strip- 
ped bare, as we are here, I will do all we can to 
prevent them crossing the Potomac at Harper's 
Ferry or above. McDowell has about 20,000 of his 
forces moving back to the vicinity of Front Royal, 
and Fremont, who was at Franklin, is moving to 
Harrisonburg ; both these movements intended to get 
in the enemy's rear. 

One more of McDowell's brigades is ordered 
through here to Harper's Ferry, the rest of his force 
remain at present at Fredericksburg. We are send- 
ing such regiments and dribs from here and Balti- 
more as we can spare to Harper's Ferry, supplying 
their places in some sort, by calling in militia from 
the adjacent states. We also have eighteen cannon 
on the road to Harper's Ferry, of which arm there 
is not a single one at that point. This is now our 
situation. 

If McDowell's force was now beyond our reach 
we should be entirely helpless. Apprehensions of 
something like this, and no unwillingness to sustain 
you, have always been my reasons for withholding 
McDowell's from you. Please understand this, and 
do the best you can with the forces you have. 

A. Lincoln. 

To General Saxton, Harper's Ferry. 

War Department, May 25, 1862. 
I fear you have mistaken me. I did not mean to 
question the correctness of your conduct; on the 



PEN AND VOICE. 147 

contrary, I approve what you have done. As the 
2,500 reported by you seemed small to me, I feared 
some had got to Banks and been cut off with him. 
Please tell me the exact number you have in hand. 

A. Lincoln. 

To General Saxton, Harper's Ferry. 
War Department, May 25, 18G2, 6:50 P. 31. 
One good six-gun battery, complete in its men 
and appointments, is now on its way to you from 
Baltimore. Eleven other guns, of different sorts, are 
on their way to you from here. Hope they will all 
reach you before morning. As you have 2,500 men 
at Harper's Ferry, where are the rest which were in 
that vicinity and which we have sent forward ? Haw 
any of them been cut off? A. Lincoln. 

To Secretary Chase, Fredericksburg, Va. 

War Department, May 25, 1862. 
It now appears that Banks got safely into Win- 
chester last night, and is this morning retreating on 
Harper's Ferry. This justified the inference that lie 
is pressed by numbers superior to his own. I think 
it not improbable that Ewell, Jackson, and Johnson 
are pouring through the gap they made day before 
yesterday at Port Royal, making a dash northward. 
It will be a very valuable and very honorable service 
for General McDowell to cut them off. I hope he 
will put all possible energy and speed into the effort. 

A. Lincoln. 



148 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 

To General McDowell, Manassas Junction. 
Washington, May 28, 1862, 1 P. 31. 
General MeClellan, at 6:30 p. m. yesterday, tele- 
graphed that Fitz John Porter's division had fought 
and driven 13,000 of the enemy, under General Brand, 
from Hanover Court-House, and was driving them 
from a stand they had made on the railroad at the 
time the messenger left. Two hours later he tele- 
graphed that Stoneman had captured an engine and 
six cars on the Virginia Central, which he at once 
sent to communicate with F. J. Porter. Nothing 
further from MeClellan. 

If Porter effects a lodgment on both railroads 
near Hanover Court-House, consider whether your 
forces in front of Fredericksburg should not push 
through and join him. A. Lincoln. 

Letter to General McClellan, May 28, 1862. 

I am very glad of General F. J. Porter's victory ; 
still, if it w 7 as a total rout of the enemy, I am puz- 
zled to know why the Richmond and Fredericksburg 
Railroad w r as not seized again, as you say you have 
all the railroads but the Richmond and Fredericks- 
burg. I am puzzled to see how, lacking that, you 
can have any, except the scrap from Richmond to 
West Point. The scrap of the Virginia Central, 
from Richmond to Hanover Junction, without more, 
is simply nothing. 

That the whole of the enemy is concentrating on 
Richmond, I think can not be certainly known to you 
or me. Saxton, at Harper's Ferry, informs us that 



PEN AND VOICE. 149 

large forces, supposed to be Jackson's and Ewell's, 
forced his advance from Charlestown to-day. Gen- 
eral King telegraphs us from Fredericksburg that 
contrabands give certain information that 15,000 left 
Hanover Junction Monday morning to reinforce 
Jackson. 

I am painfully impressed with the importance of 
the struggle before you, and shall aid you all I can 
consistently with my view of the due regard to all 
points. A. Lincoln. 

To Major-General Fremont, Moorefield, Ya. 

Washington, May 29, 1862, 12 31. 
General McDowell's advance, if not checked by 
the enemy, should, and probably will, be at Front 
Royal at 12 (noon) to-morrow. His force, when up, 
will be about 20,000. Please have your force at 
Strasburg, or, if the route you are moving on does 
not lead to that point, as near Strasburg as the en- 
emy may be by the same time. Your dispatch, No. 
30, received and satisfactory. A. Lincoln. 

Message Explanatory of Government Purchases in 
May, 1861. 

May 29, 1862. 
To the Senate and House of Representatives: — The 
insurrection which is yet existing in the United 
States, and aims at the overthrow of the Federal 
Constitution and the Union, was clandestinely pre- 
pared during the winter of 1860 and 1861, and as- 
sumed an open organization in the form of a treason- 
able provisional government at Montgomery, in 



150 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 

Alabama, on the 18th day of February, 1861. On 
the 12th day of April, 1861, the insurgents committed 
the flagrant act of civil war by the bombardment and 
capture of Fort Sumter, which cut off the hope of 
immediate conciliation. Immediately afterward all 
the roads and avenues to this city were obstructed, 
and the capital was put into the condition of a siege. 
The mails in every direction were stopped, and the 
lines of telegraph cut off by the insurgents; and 
military and naval forces, which had been called out 
by the government for the defense of Washington, 
were prevented from reaching the city by organized 
and combined treasonable resistance in the State of 
Maryland. There was no adequate and effective 
organization for the public defense. Congress had 
indefinitely adjourned. There was no time to con- 
vene them. It became necessary for me to choose 
whether, using only the existing means, agencies, and 
processes which Congress had provided, I should let 
the government fall at once into ruin, or whether, 
availing myself of the broader powers conferred by 
the Constitution in cases of insurrection, 1 would 
make an effort to save it, with all its blessings, for 
the present age and for posterity. 

I thereupon summoned my constitutional advisers, 
the heads of all departments, to meet on Sunday, the 
20th day of April, 1861, at the office of the Navy De- 
partment, and then and there, with their unanimous 
concurrence, I directed that an armed revenue cutter 
should proceed to sea, to afford protection to the com- 
mercial marine, and especially the California treasure 
ships then on their way to this coast. I also directed 



PEN AND VOICE. 151 

the commandant of the navy-yard at Boston to pur- 
chase or charter, and arm as quickly as possible, five 
steamships, for purposes of public defense. I directed 
the commandant of the navy-yard at Philadelphia to 
purchase, or charter and arm, an equal number for 
the same purpose. I directed the commandant at 
New York to purchase, or charter and arm, an equal 
number. I directed Commander Gillis to purchase, 
or charter and arm, and put to sea two other vessels. 
Similar directions were given to Commodore DuPont, 
with a view to the opening of passages by water to 
and from the capital. I directed the several officers 
to take the advice and obtain the aid and efficient 
services in the matter of his Excellency, Edwin D. 
Morgan, the governor of New York; or, in his ab- 
sence, George D. Morgan, William M. Evarts, R. M. 
Blatchford, and Moses II. Grinnell, who were, by my 
directions, especially empowered by the Secretary of 
the Navy to act for his department in that crisis, in 
matters pertaining to the forwarding of troops and 
supplies for the public defense. 

On the same occasion, I directed that Governor 
Morgan and Alexander Cumniings, of the city of 
New York, should be authorized by the Secretary of 
War, Simon Cameron, to make all necessary arrange- 
ments for the transportation of troops and munitions 
of war, in aid and assistance of the officers of the 
army of the United States, until communication by 
mails and telegraph should be completely re-estab- 
lished between the cities of Washington and New 
York. No security was required to be given by 



152 ABRAHAM LINCOLN S 

them, and either of them was authorized to act in 
case of inability to consult with the others. 

On the same occasion, I authorized and directed the 
Secretary of the Treasury to advance, without requir- 
ing security, two millions of dollars for public money 
to John A. Dix, George Opdyke, and Richard M. 
Blatchford, of New York, to be used by them in 
meeting such requisitions as should be directly con- 
sequent upon the military and naval measures neces- 
sary for the defense and support of the government, 
requiring them only to act without compensation, 
and to report their transactions when duly called 
upon. The several departments of the government 
at that time contained so large a number of disloyal 
persons that it would have been impossible to provide 
safely, through official agents only, for the perform- 
ance of the duties thus confided to citizens favorably 
known for their ability, loyalty and patriotism. 

The several orders issued upon these occurrences 
were transmitted by private messengers, who pursued 
a circuitous way to the seaboard cities, inland, across 
the States of Pennsylvania and Ohio and the north- 
ern lakes. I believe that by these and other similar 
measures taken in that crisis, some of which were 
without any authority of law, the government was 
saved from overthrow. I am not aware that a dollar 
of the public funds thus confided without authority 
of law, to unofficial persons was either lost or wasted, 
although apprehension of such misdirection occurred 
to me as objections to those extraordinary proceed- 
ings, and were necessarily overruled. 

I recall these transactions now because my atten- 



PEN AND VOICE. 153 

tion lias been directed to a resolution which was 
passed by the House of Representatives on the 30th 
day of last month, which is in these words: 

Resolved, That Simon Cameron, late Secretary of 
War, by investing Alexander Cummings with the 
control of large sums of the public money, and au- 
thority to purchase military supplies without restric- 
tion, without requiring from him any guarantee for 
the faithful performance of his duties, when the serv- 
ices of competent public officers were available, and 
by involving the government in a vast number of 
contracts with persons not legitimately engaged in 
the business pertaining to the subject-matter of such 
contracts, especially in the purchase of arms for future 
delivery, has adopted a policy highly injurious to the 
public service, and deserves the censure of the house. 

Congress will see that I should be wanting equally 
in candor and in justice, if I should leave the censure 
expressed in this resolution to rest exclusively or 
chieily upon Mr. Cameron. The same sentiment is 
unanimously entertained by the heads of departments, 
who participated in the proceedings which the House 
of Representatives has censured. It is due to Mr. 
Cameron to say that, although he fully approved the 
proceedings, they were not moved or suggested by 
himself, and that not only the President but all the 
other heads of departments were at least equally re- 
sponsible with him for whatever error, wrong, or fault 
was committed in the premises. 

Abraham Lincoln. 



154 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 

To Major-General McClellan. 

Washington, May 31, 1862. 

A circle whose circumference shall pass through 
Harper's Ferry, Front Royal and Strasburg, and 
whose center shall be a little north east of Winchester, 
almost certainly has within it this morning the forces 
of Jackson, Ewell and Edward Johnson. Quite cer- 
tainly they were within it two days ago. Some part 
of their forces attacked Harper's Ferry at dark last 
evening, and are still in sight this morning. Shields, 
with McDowells advance, took Front Royal a 11 a. m. 
yesterday, with a dozen of our own prisoners taken 
there a week ago, 150 of the enemy, two locomotives 
and eleven cars, some other property and stores, and 
saved the bridge. 

General Fremont, from the direction of Moorefield, 
promises to be at or near Strasburg at 5 P. m. to-day. 
General Banks at Williamsport with his old force, 
and his new force at Harper's Ferry, is directed to co- 
operate. Shields, at Front Royal, reports a rumor of 
still an additional force of the enemy, supposed to be 
at Anderson's, having entered the valley of Virginia. 
This last may or may not be true. Corinth is certain- 
ly in the hands of General Halleck. A. Lincoln. 

To Major-General McClellan. 
War Deft, Washington City, June 1, 1862, 5 P. M. 
Thanks for what you could and did say in your dis- 
patch of noon to-day to the Secretary of War. If the 
enemy shall not have renewed the attack this after- 
noon, I think the hardest of your work is done. 



PEN AND VOICE. 155 

Shields's advance came in collision with part of the 
enemy yesterday evening six miles from Front Royal, 
in a direction between Winchester and Strasburg, 
driving them back, capturing a few prisoners and one 
rifled cannon. Firing in that direction to-day heard 
both from Harper's Ferry and Front Royal, indicate 
a probability that Fremont has met the enemy. 

We have concluded to send General Sigel to 
Harper's Ferry, so that what I telegraphed you about 
him this morning is revoked. Dix goes to Fort 
Monroe to-night, A. Lincoln. 

To Major-General Fremont. 

Washington, June 9, 1862. 
Halt at Harrisonburg, pursuing Jackson no farther. 
Get your force well in hand and stand on the defen- 
sive, guarding against a movement of the enemy back 
toward Strasburg or Franklin, and wait further orders, 
which will soon be sent you. A. Lincoln. 

To Major-General Fremont. 

Washington, June 12, 1862. 
Yours preferring Mount Jackson to Harrisonburg, 
is just received. On this point use your discretion, 
remembering that our object is to give such protection 
as you can to Western Virginia. Many thanks to 
yourself, officers, and men for the gallant battle of 
last Sunday. A. Lincoln. 

To Major-General Fremont. 

Washington, June 13, 1862. 
We can not afford to keep your force and Banks's 
and McDowell's engaged in keeping Jackson south of 



156 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 

Strasburg and Front Royal. You fought Jackson 
alone and worsted him. lie can have no substantial 
re-inforcements so long as a battle is pending at Rich- 
mond. Surely you and Banks in supporting distance, 
are capable of keeping him from returning to Win- 
chester. But if Sigel be sent forward to you and 
McDowell (as he must be put to other work), Jackson 
will break through at Front Royal again. He is al- 
ready on the right side of the Shenandoah to do it, 
and on the wrong side of it to attack you. The orders 
already sent you and Banks place you and him in the 
proper position for the work assigned you. Jackson 
can not move his whole force on either of you before 
the other can learn of it and go to his assistance. He 
can not divide his force, sending part against each of 
you, because he will be too weak for either. Please 
do as I directed in the order of the 8th, and my dis- 
patch of yesterday, the 12th, and neither you or Banks 
will be overwhelmed by Jackson. By proper scout 
lookouts, and beacons of smoke by day and fires by 
night, you can always have timely notice of the ene- 
my's approach. I know not as to you, but by some 
this has been too much neglected. Lincoln. 

To Major-General Fremont. 
War Dep't, Washington City, D. C, June 15, 1862. 
My dear sir: — Your letter of the 12th, by Colonel 
Zagonyi, is just received. In answer to the principal 
part of it, I repeat the substance of an order of the 
8th, and one or two telegraphic dispatches sent you 
since. 
"We have no indefinite power of sending reinforce- 



PEN AND VOICE. 157 

ments, so that wo are compelled rather to consider 
the proper disposal of the forces we have than of 
those we could wish to have. We may be able to 
send you some dribs by degrees, but I do not believe 
we can do more. As you alone beat Jackson last 
Sunday, I argue that you are stronger than he is to- 
day, unless he has been reinforced, and that he can 
not have been materially reinforced, because such re- 
inforcement could only have come from Richmond, 
and he is much more likely to go to Richmond than 
Richmond is to come to him. Neither is very likely. 
I think Jackson's game — his assigned work — now is 
to magnify the accounts of his number and reports 
of his movements, and thus, by constant alarms, to 
keep three or four times as many of our troops away 
from Richmond as his own force amounts to. 

Thus he helps his friends at Richmond three or 
four times as much as if he were there. Our game 
is not to allow this. Accordingly, by the order of 
the 8th, I directed you to halt at Harrisonburg, rest 
your force, and get it well in hand, the object being 
to guard against Jackson's returning by the same 
route to the Upper Potomac, over which you have 
just driven him out, and at the same time give some 
protection against a raid into West Virginia. Al- 
ready I have given you discretion to occupy Mount 
Jackson instead, if, on full consideration, you think 
best. I do not believe Jackson will attack you, but 
certainly he can not attack you by surprise; and if 
he comes upon you in superior force, you have 
but to notify us, fall back cautiously, and Banks will 
join you in due time. But, while we know not 



158 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 

whether Jackson will move at all, or by what route, 
we can not safely put you and Banks both on the 
Strasburg line, and have no force on the Front Royal 
line, upon which he prosecuted his last raid. The 
true policy is to place one of you ou one line, and the 
other on the other, in such position that you can 
unite on either, once you actually find Jackson mov- 
ing upon it. And this is precisely what we are 
doing. 

This protects that part of our frontier, so to speak, 
and liberates McDowell to go to the assistance of 
McClellan. I have arranged (his, and am very un- 
willing to have it deranged. While you have only 
asked for Sigel, I have spoken only of Banks, and 
this because Sigel's force is now the principal part of 
Banks's force. About transferring General Schenck's 
command, the purchase of supplies, and the promo- 
tion and appointment of officers mentioned in your 
letter, I will consult with the Secretary of War to- 
morrow. Yours truly, A. Lincoln. 

To Major-General Fremont, Mount Jackson, Va. 

Washington, June 16, 1862. 

Your dispatch of yesterday, reminding me of a 
supposed understanding that I would furnish you a 
corps of 35,000 men, and asking of me the " fulfill- 
ment of this understanding" is received. I am read}^ 
to come to a fair settlement of accounts with you on 
the fulfillment of understandings. 

Early in March last, when I assigned you to the 
command of the Mountain Department, I did tell 
you I would give you all the force I could, and that I 



PEN AND VOICE. 159 

hoped to make it reach 35,000. You at the same 
time told me that within a reasonable time you would 
seize the railroad at or east of Knoxville, Tennessee, 
if you could. There was then in the department a 
force supposed to be 25,000, the exact number as well 
known to you as to me. After looking about two or 
days, you called, and distinctly told me that if I 
would add the Blenker division to the force already 
in the department, you would undertake the job. 
The Blenker division contained 10,000, and, at the 
expense of great dissatisfaction to General McClellan 
I took it from his army, and gave it to you. My 
promise was literally fulfilled. I have given you all 
I could, and I have given you very nearly, if not 
quite, 35,000. Now for yours : On the 23d of May, 
largely over tw r o months afterward, you were at 
Franklin, Virginia, not within 300 miles of Knox- 
ville, nor within eighty miles of any part of the rail- 
road east of it, and not moving forward, but telegraph- 
ing here that you could not move for lark of every 
thing. Now, do not misunderstand me. I do not 
say you have not done all you could. I presume you 
met unexpected difficulties ; and I beg you to be- 
lieve that, as surely as you have done your best, so 
have I. I have not the power now to fill up your 
corps to 35,000. I am not demanding of you to do 
the work of 35,000. I am only asking of you to 
stand cautiously on the defensive, get your force in 
order, and give such protection as you can to the 
valley of the Shenandoah and to Western Virginia. 

Have you received the orders, and will you act 
upon them? A. Lincoln. 



1(30 Abraham Lincoln's 

To Brigadier-General Schurz, Mount Jackson, Va. 

Washington, June 16, 1862. 
Your long letter is received. The information you 
give is valuable. You say it is fortunate that Fre- 
mont did not intercept Jackson; that Jackson had a 
superior force, and would have overwhelmed him. 
If this is 'so, how happened it that Fremont fairly 
fought and routed him on the 8th? Or is the account 
that he did fight and rout him false and fabricated? 
Both General Fremont and you speak of Jackson 
having beaten Shields. By our accounts he did not 
beat Shields. He had no engagement with Shields. 
He did meet and drive back with disaster about 2,000 
of Shields's advance till they were met by an addi- 
tional brigade of Shields's, when Jackson himself 
turned and retreated. Shields himself and more than 
half his force were not nearer than twenty miles to 
any of it. A. Lincoln. 

To Major-General McClellan. 

Washington City, June 20, 1862. 

We have this morning sent you a dispatch of Gen- 
eral Sigel, corroborative of the proposition that Jack- 
son is being re-info reed from Richmond. This may 
be reality and yet may be only contrivance for decep- 
tion, and to determine which, is perplexing. If we 
knew it was not true, we could send you some more 
force, but as the case stands we do not think we safely 
can. Still, we will watch the signs and do so if pos- 
sible. 

In regard to a contemplated execution of Captains 



PEN AND VOICE. 161 

Sprigg and Triplett, the government has no informa- 
tion whatever, but will inquire and advise you. 

A. Lincoln. 

To Major-General McClellan. 

Washington, June 21, 1862, 6 P. 31. 
Your dispatch of yesterday (2 p. m.) was received 
this morning. If it would not divert too much of 
your time and attention from the army under your 
immediate command, I would be glad to have your 
views as to the present state of military affairs 
throughout the whole country, as you say you would 
be glad to give them. I would rather it should be 
by letter than by telegraph, because of the better 
chance of secrecy. As to the numbers and position 
of the troops not under your command in Virginia 
and elsewhere, even if I could do so with accuracy, 
which I can not, I would rather not transmit either 
by telegraph or letter, because of the chances of its 
reaching the enemy. I would be glad to talk with 
you, but you can not leave your camp and I can not 
well leave here. A. Lincoln. 

Presidential Orders. 
Executive Mansion, Washington, June 22, 1862. 
Ordered, First. The forces under Major-Generals 
Fremont, Banks, and McDowell, including the troops 
now under Brigadier-General Sturges at Washing- 
ton, shall be consolidated and form one army, to be 
called the Army of Virginia. 

Second. The command of the Army of Virginia 
14 



162 ABRAHAM LINCOLN S 

is specially assigned to Major-General John Pope, as 
commanding general. The troops of the Mountain 
Department, heretofore under command of General 
Fremont, shall constitute the First Army Corps, un- 
der the command of General Fremont; the troops 
of the Shenandoah Department, now under General 
Banks, shall constitute the Second Army Corps, and 
he commanded by him; the troops under the com- 
mand of General McDowell, except those within the 
fortifications and city of Washington, shall form the 
Third Army Corps, and he under his command. 

Third. The Army of Virginia shall operate in 
such manner as, while protecting Western Virginia 
and the National capital from danger or insult, it 
shall in the speediest manner attack and overcome 
the rebel forces under Jackson and Ewell, threaten 
the enemy in the direction of Charlottesville, and 
render the most effective aid to relieve General Mc- 
Clellan and capture Richmond. 

Fourth. When the Army of the Potomac and the 
Army of Virginia shall he in a position to communi- 
cate and directly co-operate at or before Richmond, 
the chief command, while so co-operating together, 
shall be governed, as in like cases, by the Rules and 
Articles of War. A. Lincoln 

To General McClellan. 

June 26, 1862. 
Your three dispatches of yesterday, in relation to 
the affair, ending with the statement that you com- 
pletely succeeded in making your point, are very 
gratifying. The later one, of 6j p. m., suggesting the 



PEN AND VOICE. 163 

probability of your being overwhelmed by two hun- 
dred thousand men, and talking of whom the respon- 
sibility will belong to, pains nie very much. I give 
you all I can, and act on the presumption that you 
will do the best you can with what you have; while 
you continue, ungenerously, I think, to assume that 
I could give you more if I would. I have omitted, I 
shall omit, no opportunity to send you re-inforce- 
ments whenever I possibly can. A. Lincoln. 

To General McClellan. 

June 28, 1862. 
Save your army at all events. "Will send re-inforce- 
ments as fast as we can. Of course, they can not 
reach you to-day, to-morrow or next day. I have 
not said that you were ungenerous for saying you 
needed re-info rcements. I thought you were ungen- 
erous in assuming that I did not send them as fast as 
I could. I feel any misfortune to you and your army 
as keenly as you feel it yourself. If you have had a 
drawn battle or a repulse, it is the price we pay for 
the enemy not being in Washington. We protected 
Washington, and the enemy concentrated on you. 
Had we stripped Washington, he would have been 
upon us before the troops sent could have got to you. 
Less than a week ago you notified us that reinforce- 
ments were leaving Richmond to come in front of us. 
It is the nature of the case, and neither you nor the 
government is to blame. A. Lincoln. 



164 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 

Hon. William H. Seward, Astor House, New York. 
War Department, June 29, 1862, 6 P. M. 

Not much more than when you left. Fulton, of 
Baltimore American, is now with us. He left White 
House at 11 a. m. yesterday. He conversed fully with 
a paymaster, who was with Porter's force during the 
fight of Friday, and fell back to nearer MeClellan's 
quarters just a little sooner than Porter did, seeing 
the whole of it. Staid on the Richmond side of the 
Chickahominy over night, and left for White House at 
five a. m. Saturday. He says Porter retired in per- 
fect order under protection of guns arranged for the 
purpose, under orders, and not from necessity, and 
with all others of our forces, except what was left on 
purpose to go to White House, was safely in position 
over the Chickahominy before morning, and that 
there was heavy firing on the Richmond side, begun 
at 5 and ceased at 7 a. m., Saturday. On the whole 
I think we have had the better of it up to that point 
of time. What has happened since we still know 
not, as we have no communication with General Mc- 
Clellan. A dispatch from Colonel Ingalls shows that 
he thinks McClellan is fighting with the enemy at 
Richmond to-day, and will be to-morrow. 

We have no means of knowung upon what Colonel 
Ingalls founds his opinion. All confirmed about sav- 
ing all property. Not a single un wounded straggler 
came back to the White House from the field, and 
the number of wounded reaching there up to 11 a.m. 5 
Saturday, was not large. A. Lincoln. 



PEN AND VOICE. 165 

Hon. William H. Seward, New York. 

War Department, June 30, 1862. 

We are yet without communication with General 
McClellan, and this absence of news is our point of 
anxiety. 

Up to the latest period to which w r e are posted he 
effected every thing in such exact accordance w r ith 
his plan, contingently announced to us before the 
battle began, that we feel justified to hope that he has 
not failed since. 

He had a severe engagement in getting the part of 
his army on this side of the Chickahominy over to 
the other side, in which the enemy lost certainly as 
much as we did. 

We are not dissatisfied with this, only that the loss 
of enemies does not compensate for the loss of friends. 
The enemy can not come below White House; cer- 
tainly is not there now, and probably has abandoned 
the whole line. 

Dix's pickets are at Xew Kent Court-house. 

A. Lincoln. 

Major-General Hunter. 
Executive Mansion, Washington, June 30, 1862. 
My Dear General: — I have just received your letter 
of the 25th of June. 

I assure you, and you may feel authorized in stat- 
ing, that the recent change of commanders in the De- 
partment of the South was made for no reasons which 
convey any imputation upon your known energy, effi- 
ciency and patriotism, but for causes which seemed 



166 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 

sufficient, while they were in no degree incompatible 
with the respect and esteeem in which I have always 
held you as a man and an officer. 

I can not, by giving my consent to a publication of 
whose details I know nothing, assume the responsi- 
bility of whatever you may write. In this matter 
your own sense of military propriety must be your 
guide, and the regulation of the service your rule of 
conduct. I am, very truly, your friend, 

A. Lincoln. 

To Major-General Dix, Fort Monroe. 

War Department, Washington City, Jane 30, 1862. 

Is it not probable the enemy has abandoned the 
line between White House and McOlellan's rear ? 

He could have but little object to maintain it, and 
nothing to subsist upon. Would not Stoneman better 
move up and see about it? I think a telegraphic 
communication can at once be opened to White 
House from Williamsburg. The wires must be up 
still. A. Lincoln. 

To McClellan, July 1, 18G2. 
It is impossible to re-inforce you for your present 
emergency. If we had a million of men we could 
not get them to you in time. We have not the men 
to send. If you are not strong enough to face the 
enemy, you must find a place of security, and wait, 
rest and repair. Maintain your ground if you tan, 
but save the army at all events, even if you fall back 
to Fort Monroe. We still have strength enough in 
the country, and will bring it out. A. Lincoln. 



pen and voice. 167 

Letter to MoClellan, July 2, 1862. 

Your dispatch of yesterday induces me to hope 
that your army is having some rest. In the hope, 
allow me to reason with you for a moment. When 
you ask for 50,000 men to he promptly sent you, you 
surely labor under some gross mistake of fact. Re- 
cently you sent papers showing your disposal of forces 
made last spring for the defense of Washington, and 
advising a return to that plan. I find it included, in 
and about Washington, 75,000 men. 

Now, please be assured that I have not men enough 
to fill that very plan by 15,000. Ail of General Fre- 
mont's in the valley, all of General Banks', all of Gen- 
eral McDowell's not with you, and all in Washington 
taken together, do not exceed, if they reach, 60,000. 

With General Wool and General Dix added to 
those mentioned, I have not, outside of your army, 
75,000 men cast of the mountains. Thus, the idea 
of sending you 50,000, or any other eo'nsiderable force 
promptly, is simply absurd. If, in your frequent 
mention of responsibility, you have the impression 
that I blame you for not doing more than } r ou can, 
please be relieved of such impression. I only beg 
that in like manner, you will not ask impossibilities 
of me. 

If you think you are not strong enough to take 
Richmond just now, I do not ask you to try just 
now. Save the army, material and pcrsomu!, and I 
will strengthen it for the offensive again as fast as I 
can. 



168 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 

The governors of eighteen states offer me a new 
levy of 300,000, which I accept. A. Lincoln. 

To Major-General Halleck, Corinth, Miss. 
War Department,. July 2, 1862. 
Your several dispatches of yesterday to Secretary 
of War and myself received. I did say, and now re- 
peat, I would be exceedingly glad for some reinforce- 
ments from you; still, do not send a man if, in your 
judgment, it will endanger any point you deem im- 
portant to hold, or will force you to give up or weaken 
or delay the Chattanooga expedition. Please tell me, 
could you make me a flying visit for consultation 
without endangering the service in your department? 

A. Lincoln. 

To Major-General George B. McClellan. 

War Department, Washington, July 3, 1862. 

Yours of 5:30 yesterday is just received. I am sat- 
isfied that yourself, officers and men have done the 
best you could. All accounts say better fighting was 
never done. Ten thousand thanks for it. 

On the 28th we sent General Burnside an order to 
send all the force he could spare to you. We then 
learned that you had requested him to go to Golds- 
borough ; upon which we said to him our order was 
intended for your benefit, and we did not wish to be 
in conflict with your views. We hope you will have 
help from him soon. To-day we have ordered Gen- 
eral Hunter to send you all he can spare. At last 
advice General Hunter thinks he can not send re in- 
forcements without endangering all he has gained. 

A. Lincoln, President. 



PEN AND VOICE. 169 

To Governor Morton. 

July 3, 1862. 
My Dear Sir: — I would not want the half of 300,- 
000 new troops if I could have them now. If I had 
50,000 additional troops here now I believe I could 
substantially close the war in two weeks ; but time is 
every thing, and if I get the 50,000 new men in a 
month I shall have lost 20,000 old ones during that 
same month, having gained only 30,000, with the dif- 
ference between old and new troops still against me. 
The quicker you raise the troops the fewer you will 
have to send, and time is every thing. Please act in 
view of this. The enemy having given up Corinth, 
it is not wonderful that he is thereby enabled to check 
us for a time at Richmond. A. Lincoln. 

Letter to General McClellan. 

War Deft, Washington City, July 4, 1862. 

I understand your position as stated in your letter, 
and by General Marcy. To re-inforce you so as to 
enable you to resume the offensive within a month, 
or even six weeks, is impossible. In addition to that 
arrived and now arriving from the Potomac (about 
10,000 men, I suppose), and about 10,000, 1 hope, you 
will have from Burnside very soon, and about 5,000 
from Hunter a little later, I do not see how I can 
send you another man within a month. Under these 
circumstances, the defensive, for the present, must be 
your only care. 

Save the army, first, where you are, if you can; 
and secondly, by removal if you must. You, on the 
15 



170 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 

ground, must be the judge as to which you will at- 
tempt, and of the means for effecting it. I hut give 
it as my opinion, that with the aid of the gunboats 
and the re-inforcements mentioned above, you can 
hold your present position; provided, and so long 
as you can keep the James river open below you. 
If you are not tolerably confident you can keep the 
James river open you had better remove as soon as 
possible. I do not remember that you have expressed 
any apprehension as to the danger of having your 
communication cut on the river below yon, yet I do 
not suppose it can have escaped your attention. 

A. Lincoln. 

To Major-General Halleck, Corinth, Miss. 
War Department, Washington, D. C, July G, 1862. 

My Dear Sir: — This introduces Governor William 
Sprague, of Rhode Island. He is now governor for 
the third time and senator elect of the United States, 
I know the object of his visit to you. He has my 
cheerful consent to go, but not my direction. He 
wishes to get you and part of your force, one or both, 
to come here. You already know I should be exceed- 
ingly glad of this, if in your judgment it could be, 
without endangering positions and operations in the 
south-west, and I now repeat what I have more than 
once said by telegraph on this point : " Do not come or 
send a man if in your judgment it will endanger any 
point you deem important to hold or endanger or 
delay the Chattanooga expedition." Still, please give 
my friend Governor Sprague a full and fair hearing. 
Yours very truly, A. Lincoln. 



PEN AND VOICE. 171 



To Hon. Andrew Johnson. 

War Department, July 11, 1862. 

My Dear Sir: — Yours of yesterday is received. Do 
you not, my good friend, perceive that what you ask 
is simply to put you in command of the West? I do 
not suppose you desire this. You only wish to control 
in your own localities ; but this you must know may 
derange all other posts. 

Can you not, and will you not have a full conference 
with General Halleck? Telegraph him and meet him 
at such place as you and he can agree upon. 

I telegraph him to meet you and confer fully with 
you. A. Lincoln. 

Address to the Senators and Representatives of 
the Border States. 

July, 1862. 

Gentlemen: — After the adjournment of Congress, 
now near, I shall have no opportunity of seeing you 
for several mouths. Believing that you of the border 
states hold more power for good than any other equal 
number of members, I feel it a duty which I can not 
justifiably waive to make this appeal to you. 

I intend no reproach or complaint when I assure 
you that, in my opinion, if you all had voted for the 
resolution in the gradual emancipation message of last 
March, the war would now be substantially ended. 

And the plan therein proposed is }-et one of the most 
potent and swift means of ending it. Let the states 
which are in rebellion see definitely and certainly that 
in no event will the states you represent ever join 



172 ABRAHAM LINCOLN^ 

their proposed confederacy, and they can not much 
longer maintain the contest. But you can not divest 
them of their hope to ultimately have you with them, 
as long as you show a determination to perpetuate 
the institution within your own states; beat them at 
election as you have overwhelmingly done and nothing 
daunted, they still claim you as their own. You and 
I know what the lever of their power is. Break that 
lever before their faces, and they can shake you no 
more forever. Most of you have treated me with 
kindness and consideration ; and I trust you will not 
now think I improperly touch what is exclusively 
your own, when for the sake of the whole country, I 
ask, can you, for your states, do better than to take 
the course I urge ? Discarding punctilio and maxims 
adapted to more manageable times, and looking only 
to the unprecedently stern facts of our case, can you 
do better in any possible event ? You prefer that the 
constitutional relation of the states to the nation shall 
be practically restored without disturbance of the in- 
stitution ; and if this were done, my whole duty, in this 
respect, under the constitution and my oath of office, 
would be performed. But it is not done, and we are 
trying to accomplish it by war. 

The incidents of the war can not be avoided. If 
the war continues long, as it must if the object be not 
sooner attained, the institution in your states, will be 
extinguished by mere friction and abrasion — by the 
mere incidents of the war. It will be gone, and you 
will have nothing valuable in lieu of it. Much of its 
value is gone already. How much better for you and 
your people, to take the step which at once shortens 



PEN AND VOICE. 173 

the war, and secures substantial compensation for that 
which is sure to be wholly lost in any other event. 
How much better to thus save the money which else 
we sink forever in the war. How much better to do 
it while we can, lest the war ere long render us pe- 
cuniarily unable to do it. How much better for you, 
as seller, and the nation, as buyer, to sell out and buy 
out, that without which the war never could have 
been, than to sink both the thing to be sold and the 
price of it in cutting one another's throats. I do not 
speak of emancipation at once, but of a decision at 
once to emancipate gradually. 

Room in South America for colonization can be ob- 
tained cheaply, and in abundance; and when numbers 
shall be large enough to be company and encourage- 
ment for one another, the freed people will not be so 
reluctant to go. 

I am pressed with a difficulty not yet mentioned 
one which threatens division among those who, united, 
are none too strong. An instance of it is known to 
you. General Hunter is an honest man. He was, 
and I hope still is, my friend. I valued him none the 
less for his agreeing with me in the general wish that 
all men every-where could be free. He proclaimed all 
men free within certain states, and I repudiated the 
proclamation. He expected more good and less harm 
from the measure than I could believe would follow. 
Yet, in repudiating it, I gave dissatisfaction, if not 
offense, to many whose support the country can not 
afford to lose. And this is not the end of it. The 
pressure in this direction is still upon me, and is in- 
creasing. By conceding what I now ask, you can 



174 ABKAHAM LINCOLN'S 

relieve me, and, much more, can relieve the country 
in this important point. 

Upon these considerations I have again "begged 
your attention to the message of March last. 

Before leaving the capital, consider and discuss it 
among yourselves. You are patriots and statesmen, 
and as such, I pray you consider this proposition ; 
and at the least, commend it to the consideration of 
your states and people. As you would perpetuate 
popular government, for the best people in the world, 
I beseech you that you do in no wise omit this. 

Our common country is in great peril, demanding 
the loftiest views and boldest action, to bring a speedy 
relief. Once relieved, its form of government is saved 
to the world ; its beloved history and cherished 
memories are vindicated; and its happy future fully 
assured, and rendered inconceivably grand. To you, 
more than to any others, the privilege is given to as- 
sure that happiness and swell that grandeur, and to 
link your own names therewith forever. 

To McClellan, July 13, 1862. 
My Dear Sir: — I am told that over 160,000 men 
have gone with your army to the Peninsula. When 
I was with you the other day, we made out 86,000 
remaining, leaving 73,500 to be accounted for. I 
believe 23,500 will cover all the killed, wounded, and 
missing, in all your battles and skirmishes, leaving 
50,000 who have left otherwise, and more than 5,000 
of these have died, leaving 45,000 of your army still 
alive and not with it. I believe half or two-thirds of 
them are fit for duty to-day. Have you any more 



PEN AND VOICE. 175 

perfect knowledge of this than I have? If I am 
right, and you had these men with yon, you could 
go into Richmond in the next three days. How can 
they he got to you, and how can they be prevented 
from getting away in such numbers for the future? 

A. Lincoln. 

President's Nomination, July 16, 1862. 
The President of the United States of America to all who 
shall see these presents, greeting : 

Know ye that, reposing special trust and confidence 
in the patriotism, valor, fidelity, and abilities of 
Fitz John Porter, I have nominated, and, by and 
with the advice and consent of the Senate, do appoint 
him major-general of volunteers in the service of the 
United States, to rank as such from the 4th day of 
July, 1862. He is, therefore, carefully and diligently 
to discharge the duty of major-general, by doing and 
performing all manner of things thereunto belonging. 
And I do strictly charge and require all officers and 
soldiers under his command to be obedient to his or- 
ders as major-general. And he is to observe and 
follow such orders and directions, from time to 
time, as he shall recieve from me, or the future 
President of the United States of America, or the 
general, or other superior officers set over him, ac- 
cording to the rules and discipline of war. This com- 
mission to continue in force during the pleasure of 
the President of the United States for the time 
being. 

Given under my hand, at the city of Washington, 
this 16th day of July, in the year of our Lord one 



176 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 

thousand eight hundred and sixty-two, and in the 
eighty-seventh year of the independence of the 
United States. Abraham Lincoln. 

Communication to Congress, July 17, 1862. 

Fellow- Citizens of the Senate and House of Represent- 
atives .-—Considering the bill for an act to suppress 
insurrection, to punish treason and rebellion, to seize 
and confiscate the property of the rebels and other 
purposes, and the joint resolution explanatory of said 
act as being substantially one, I have approved and 
signed both. 

Before I was informed of the passage of the reso- 
lution, I had prepared the draft of a message stating 
objections to the bill becoming a law, a copy of which 
draft is herewith transmitted. 

Abraham Lincoln. 

Fellow- Citizens of the House of Representatives: — I 
herewith return to your honorable body, in which it 
originated, the bill for an act entitled An act to sup- 
press treason and rebellion, to sieze and confiscate 
the property of the rebels, and for other purposes, 
together with my objections to its becoming a law. 
There is much in the bill to which I perceive no ob- 
jection. It is wholly prospective, and it touches 
neither the person nor property of any loyal citizen, 
in which particular it is just and proper. The first 
and second sections provide for the conviction and 
punishment of persons who shall be guilty of treason, 
and the persons who shall incite, set on foot, assist, 
or engage in any rebellion or insurrection against the 



PEN AND VOICE. 177 

authority of the United States, or the laws thereof, 
or shall give aid or comfort to any such existing re- 
bellion or insurrection. 

By fair construction, the persons within these sec- 
tions are not to be punished without regular trials in 
duly constituted courts under the forms and all the 
substantial provisions of law and of the Constitution 
applicable to their several cases. To this I perceive 
no objection, especially as such persons would be 
within the general pardoning power,- and also within 
the special provision for pardon and amnesty con- 
tained in this act. It also provides that the slaves of 
persons confiscated under these sections shall be free. 
I think there is an unfortunate form of expression 
rather than a substantial objection in this. It is 
startling to say that Congress can free a slave within 
a state, and yet were it said that the ownership of a 
slave had first been transferred to the nation, and 
that Congress had then liberated him, the difficulty 
would vanish, and this is the real case. The traitor 
against the general government forfeits his slave, at 
least as justly as he does any other property, and he 
forfeits both to the government against which he 
offends. 

The government, so far as there can be ownership, 
owns the forfeited slaves, and the question for Con- 
gress in regard to them is, shall they be made free or 
sold to new masters? I see no objection to Congress 
deciding in advance that they shall be free. To the 
high honor of Kentucky, as I am informed, she has 
been the owner of some slaves by escheat, and has 
sold none, but liberated all. 



178 ABRAHAM LINCOLN S 

I hope the same is true of some other states. In- 
deed I do not believe it would be physically possible 
for the general government to return persons so cir- 
cumstanced to actual slavery. I believe there would 
be physical resistance to it, which would never be 
turned aside by argument, nor driven away by force. 
In this view of it, I have no objection to this feature 
of the bill. Another matter, valued in these two sec- 
tions, and running through other parts of the act, 
will be noticed hereafter. 

I perceive no objection to the third and fourth sec- 
tions. So far as I wish to notice the fifth and sixth 
sections, they may be considered together. That the 
enforcement of these sections would do no injustice 
to the persons embraced within them is clear. That 
those who make a causeless war should be compelled 
to pay the cost of it is too obviously just to be called 
into question. To give government protection to the 
property of persons who have abandoned it, and gone 
on a crusade to overthrow that same government, is 
absurd, if considered in the mere light of justice. 
The severest justice may not always be the best 
policy. The principle of seizing and appropriating 
the property of the persons embraced within these 
sections is certainly not very objectionable, but a 
justly discriminating application of it would be very 
difficult, and to a great extent impossible ; and would 
it not be wise to place a power of remission some- 
where, so that these persons may know that they 
have something to save by desisting? 

I am not sure whether such power of remission is 
or is not within section thirteen, without a special act 



PEN AND VOICE. 179 

of Congress. I think our military commanders, 
when, in military phrase, they are within the enemy's 
country, should in an orderly manner seize and keep 
whatever of real or personal property may he neces- 
sary or convenient for their demands, and at the same 
time preserve in some way the evidence of what 
they do. 

What I have said in regard to slaves, while com- 
menting on the first and second sections, is applicable 
to the ninth, with the difference that no provision is 
made in the whole act for determining whether a par- 
ticular individual slave does or does not tall within 
the class defined within that section. He is to be free 
upon certain conditions, but whether these conditions 
do or do not pertain to him, no mode of ascertaining 
is provided. This could be easily supplied. 

To the tenth section I make no objection. The 
oath therein required seems to be proper, and the re- 
mainder of the section is substantially identical with 
a law already existing. 

The eleventh section simply assumes to confer dis- 
cretionary powers upon the Executive without the 
law. I have no hesitation to go as far in the direc- 
tion indicated as I may at any time deem expedient, 
and I am ready to say now I think it is proper for 
our military commanders to employ as laborers as 
many persons of African descent as can be used to 
advantage. 

The twelfth and thirteenth sections are something 
better — they are unobjectionable — and the fourteenth 
is entirely proper, if all other parts of the act shall 
stand. 



180 ABRAHAM LINCOLN S 

That to which I chiefly object pervades most parts 
of the act, but more distinctly appears in the rirst, 
second, seventh, and eighth sections. It is the sum 
ot those provisions which results in the divesting of 
title forever. For the causes of treason — the ingredi- 
ents of treason, but amounting to the full crime — it 
declares forfeiture extending beyond the lives of the 
guilty parties, whereas the Constitution of the United 
States declares that no attainder of treason shall work 
corruption of blood or forfeiture, except during the 
life of the person attainted. True, there is to be no 
formal attainder in this case, still I think the greater 
punishment can not he constitutionally inflicted in a 
different form for the same offense. With great re- 
spect I am constrained to say I think this feature of 
the act is unconstitutional. It would not be difficult 
to modify it. I may remark that the provision of 
the Constitution, put in language borrowed from 
Great Britain, applies only in this country, as I un- 
derstand, to real estate. 

Again, this act, by proceedings in rem, forfeits 
property for the ingredients of treason without a 
conviction of the supposed criminal, or a personal 
hearing given him in any proceeding. That we may 
not touch property lying within our reach because we 
can not give personal notice to an owner who is ab- 
sent endeavoring to destroy the government, is cer- 
tainly not very satisfactory. Still the owner may not 
be thus engaged, and I think a reasonable time should 
be provided for such parties to appear and have per- 
sonal hearings. Similar provisions are not uncom- 
mon in connection with proceedings in rem. 



PEN AND VOICE. 181 

For the reason stated I return the bill to the house 
in which it originated. 

To CUTHBERT BULLITT, ESQ., NEW ORLEANS, La. 

Washington, D. C, July 28, 1862. 

Sir: — The copy of a letter addressed to yourself by 
Mr. Thomas J. Durant has been shown to me. The 
writer appears to be an able, a dispassionate and an 
entirely sincere man. 

The first part of the letter is devoted to an effort to 
show that the secession ordinance of Louisiana was 
adopted against the will of the majority of the people. 

This is probable true, and in that fact may be found 
some instruction. Why did they allow the ordinance 
to go into effect? Why did they not exert them- 
selves? Why stand passive and allow themselves to 
be trodden down by a minority? Why did they not 
hold popular meetings, and have a convention of 
their own to express and enforce the true sentiments 
of the state? If pre-organization were against them, 
then why not do this now that the United States 
army is presenc to protect them ? 

The paralysis — the dread palsy — of the government 
in the whole struggle is, that this class of men will 
do nothing for the government — nothing for them- 
selves, except demanding that the government shall 
not strike its enemies, lest they be struck by acci- 
dent. Mr. Durant complains, that in various ways, 
the relation of master and slave is disturbed by 
the presence of our army; and he considers it partic- 



182 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 

ularly vexatious that this, in part, is done under cover 
of an act of Congress, while constitutional guarantees 
are superseded on the pleas of military necessity. 

The truth is, that what is done and omitted about 
slaves is done and omitted on the same military ne- 
cessity. It is a military necessity to have men and 
money ; and we can not get either in sufficient num- 
bers or amounts, if we keep from or drive from our 
lines slaves coming to them. Mr. Durant can not 
be ignorant of the pressure in this direction, nor of 
my efforts to hold it within bounds, till he, and such 
as he, shall have time to help themselves. I am not 
posted to speak understanding^ on the public regu- 
lations of which Mr. Durant complains. If experience 
shows any of them to be wrong, let them be set right. 
I think I can perceive in the freedom of trade which 
Mr. Durant urges, that he would relieve both friends 
and enemies from the pressure of the blockade. By 
this he would serve the enemy more effectively than 
the enemy is able to serve himself. 

I do not say or believe that to serve the enemy is 
the purpose of Mr. Durant, or that he is conscious of 
any purposes other than national and patriotic ones. 
Still, if this were a class of men who, having no choice 
of sides in the contest, were anxious only to have 
quiet and comfort for themselves while it rages, and 
to fall in with the victorious side at the end of it, 
without loss to themselves, their advice as to the 
mode of conducting the contest would be precisely 
such as his. 

He speaks of no duty, apparently thinks of none, 



PEN AND VOICE. IS:"} 

resting upon Union men. He even thinks it injuri- 
ous to the Union cause that they should be restrained 
in trade and passages, without taking sides. 

They are to touch neither a sail nor a pump line, 
merely passengers ("dead heads" at that) — be 
carried snug and dry throughout the storm and safely 
landed right side up. Nay, more — even a mutineer 
is to go untouched, lest these sacred passengers re- 
ceive an accidental wound. 

Of course the rebellion will never be suppressed in 
Louisiana, if the professed Union men there will 
neither help to do it, nor permit the government to 
do it without their help. Now, I think the remedy 
is very different from that suggested by Mr. Durant. 
It does not lie in rounding the rough angles of the 
war, but in removing the necessity for the war. The 
people of Louisiana, who wish protection to person 
and property, have but to reach forth their hands 
and take it. Let them in good faith re-inaugurate 
the national authority and set up a state government 
conforming thereto under the constitution. They 
know how to do it, and have the protection of the 
army while doing it. The army will be withdrawn 
as soon as such government can dispense with its 
presence, and the people of the state can then, upon 
the old terms, govern themselves to their liking. 
This is very simple and easy. 

If they do not do this, if they prefer to hazard all 
for the sake of destroying the government, it is for 
them to consider whether it is probable I will sur- 
render the government to save them from losing all. 



184 Abraham Lincoln's 

If they decline what I suggest, you will scarcely need 
to ask what I will do. What would you do in my 
position ? Would you drop the war where it is? Or 
would you prosecute it in future with elder-stalk 
squirts, charged with rose-water? Would you deal 
lighter blows rather than heavier ones? Would you 
give up the control leaving every available means un- 
applied? I am in no boastful mood. I shall not do 
more than I can, but I shall do all I can to save the 
government, which is my sworn duty as well as my 
personal inclination. I shall do nothing in malice. 
What I deal with is too vast for malicious dealing;. 
Yours truly, A. Lincoln. 

Remarks at a Union Meeting in Washington, 
August, 6, 1862. 

Fellow-Citizens : — I believe there is no precedent for 
my appearing before you on this occasion, but it is 
also true that there is no precedent for your being 
here yourselves, and I offer, in justification of myself 
and of you, that, upon examination, I have found 
nothing in the constitution against it. I, however, 
have an impression that there are younger gentlemen 
who will entertain you better, and better address your 
understanding than I will or could, and therefore I 
propose to detain you but a moment longer. 

I am very little inclined on any occasion to say any- 
thing unless I hope to produce some good by it. The 
only thing I think of just now not likely to be better 
said by some one else, is a matter in which we have 
heard some other persons blamed for what I did my- 



PEN AND VOICE. 185 

self. There has been a very widespread attempt to 
have a quarrel between General McClellan and the 
Secretary of War. Now, I occupy a position that 
enables me to observe, that these two gentlemen arc 
not nearly so deep in the quarrel as some pretending 
to be their friends. General McClellan's attitude is 
such that, in the very selfishness of his nature, he can 
not but wish to be successful, and I hope he will — and 
the Secretary of War is in precisely the same situation. 
If the military commanders in the field can not be 
successful, not only the Secretary of War, but myself, 
for the time being the master of them both, can not 
but be failures. 

I know General McClellan wishes to be successful, 
and I know that he does not wish it any more than 
the Secretary of War for him, and both of them to- 
gether not more than I wish it. Sometimes we have 
a dispute about how many men General McClellan has 
had., and those who would disparage him say that he 
has had a very large number, and those who would 
disparage the Secretary of War insist that General 
McClellan has had a very small number. The basis 
for this is, there is always a wide difference, and on 
this occasion, perhaps a wider one than usual, between 
the grand total on McClellan's rolls and the men act- 
ually fit for duty; and those who would disparage 
him talk of the grand total on paper, and those who 
would disparage the Secretary of War talk of those 
at present fit for duty. 

General McClellan has sometimes asked for things 
16 



186 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 

that the Secretary of War did not give him. General 
McClellan is not to blame for askingfor what hewanted 
and needed, and the Secretary of War is not to blame 
for not giving when he had none to give. And I say 
here, as far as I know, the Secretary of War has with- 
held no one thing at any time in my power to give 
him. I have no accusation against him. I believe he 
is a brave and able man, and I stand here, as justice 
requires me to do, to take upon myself what has been 
charged on the Secretary of War, as withholding 
from him. I have talked longer than I expected to 
do, and now I avail myself of my privilege of saying 
no more. 

The President on Colonization, August 14, 1862. 
Perhaps you have long been free, or all your lives. 
Your race is suffering, in my judgment, the greatest 
wrong inflicted on any people. But even when you 
cease to be slaves, you are yet far removed from being 
placed on an equality with the white race. You are cut 
off from many of the advantages which the other race 
enjoys. The aspiration of men is to enjoy equality 
with the best when free, but on this broad continent 
not a single man of your race is made the equal of a 
single man of ours. Go where you are treated the 
best, and the ban is still upon you. I do not propose 
to discuss this, but to present it as a fact, with which 
we have to deal. I can not alter it if I would. It is 
a fact about which we all think and feel alike, I and 
you. We look to our condition. Owing to the ex- 
istence of the two races on this continent, I need not 



FEN AND VOICE. • 187 

recount to you the effects upon white men, growing- 
out of the institution of slavery. I believe in its 
general evil effects on the white race. See our present 
condition — the country engaged in war; our white 
men cutting one another's throats — none knowing 
how far it will extend — and then consider what we 
know to be the truth. But for your race among us 
there could nut be war, although many men engaged 
on either side do not care for you one way or the 
other. Xevertheless, I repeat, without the institution 
of shivery, and the colored race as a basis, the war 
could not have an existence. 

It is better for us both therefore to be separated. I 
know that there are free men among you who, even if 
they could better their condition, are not as much in- 
clined to go out of the country as those who, being 
slaves, could obtain their freedom on this condition. 
I suppose one of the principal difficulties in the way 
of colonization is that the free colored man can not 
see that his comfort would be advanced by it. You 
may believe that you can live in Washington, or else- 
Avhcre in the United States, the remainder of your 
life; perhaps more so than you can in any foreign 
country, and hence you may come to the conclusion 
that you have nothing to do with the idea of going to 
a foreign country. This is (I speak in no unkind 
sense) an extremely selfish view of the case. But you 
ought to do something to help those who are not so 
fortunate as yourselves. There is an unwillingness 
on the part of our people, harsh as it may be, for you 
free colored people to remain with us. JSTow, if you 



188 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 

could give a start to the white people you would open 
a wide door for many to be made free. If we deal 
with those who are not free at the beginning, and 
whose intellects are clouded by slavery, we have very 
poor material to start with. If intelligent colored 
men, such as are before me, would move in this mat- 
ter, much might be accomplished. It is exceedingly 
important that we have men at the beginning capable 
of thinking as white men, and not those who have 
been systematically oppressed. There is much to en- 
courage you. For the sake of your race you should 
sacrifice something of your present comfort for the 
purpose of being as grand in that respect as the white 
people. It is a cheering thought throughout life, that 
something can be done to ameliorate the condition of 
those who have been subject to the hard usages of the 
world. It is difficult to make a man miserable while 
he feels he is worthy of himself and claims kindred 
to the great God who made him. In the American 
Revolutionary war sacrifices were made by men en- 
gaged in it, but they were cheered by the future. 
General Washington himself endured greater physical 
hardships than if he had remained a British subject, 
yet he was a happy man, because he was engaged in 
benefiting his race, in doing something for the children 
of his neighbors, having none of his own. 

The colony of Liberia has been in existence a long 
time. In a certain sense it is a success. The old 
President of Liberia, Roberts, has just been with me, 
the first time I ever saw him. He says they have 
within the bounds of that colony between three and 



PEN AND VOICE. 189 

four hundred thousand people, or more than in 
some of our old states, such as Rhode Island or 
Delaware", or in some of our newer states, and less 
than in some of our larger ones. 

They are not all American colonists or their de- 
scendants. Something less than 12,000 have been 
sent thither from this country. Many of the original 
settlers have died, yet, like people elsewhere, their 
offspring outnumber those deceased. The question 
is, if the colored people are persuaded to go any- 
where, why not there? One reason for unwilling- 
ness to do so is, that some of you would rather re- 
main in reach of the country of your nativity. I 
do not know how much attachment you may have 
toward our race. It does not strike me that you 
have the greatest reason to love them. But still 
you are attached to them at all events. The place I 
am thinking about having for a colony is in Central 
America. It is nearer to us than Liberia, not much 
more than one-fourth as far as Liberia, and within 
seven days run by steamers. Unlike Liberia, it is a 
great line of travel, it is a highway. The country 
is a very excellent one for any people, and with 
great natural resources and advantages, and es- 
pecially because of the similarity of climate with 
your native soil, thus being suited to your physical 
condition. 

The particular place I have in view is to be a 
great highway from the Atlantic or Caribbean Sea 
to the Pacific Ocean, and this particular place has 
all the advantages for a colony. On both sides there 



190 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 

are harbors among the finest in the world. Again, 
there is evidence of very rich coal mines. A certain 
amount of coal is valuable in any country.* Why I 
attach so much importance to coal is it will afford 
an opportunity to the inhabitants for immediate 
employment till they get ready to settle permanently 
in their homes. If you take colonists where there 
is no good landing, there is a bad show ; and so 
where there is nothing to cultivate, and of which 
to make a farm. But if something is started, so 
that you can get your daily bread as soon as you 
reach there, it is a great advantage. Coal land is 
the best thing I know of with which to commence 
an enterprise. To return, you have been talked to 
upon this subject, and told that a speculation is in- 
tended by gentlemen who have an interest in the 
country, including the coal mines. We have been 
mistaken all our lives if we do not know whites, 
as well as blacks, look to their self-interest. Un- 
less among those deficient of intellect, every body 
you trade with makes something. You meet with 
these things here and every-where. If such per- 
sons have what will be an advantage to them, the 
question is, whether it can not be made of advantage 
to you? You are intelligent, and know that success 
does not as much depend on external help as on 
self-reliance. Much, therefore, depends upon your- 
selves. As to the coal mines, I think I see the 
means available for your self-reliance. I shall, if 
I get a sufficient number of you engaged, have pro- 
vision made that you will not be wronged. If you 



PEN AND VOICE. 191 

will engage in the enterprise, I will spend some of the 
money intrusted to me. I am not sure you will suc- 
ceed. The government may lose the money, but we 
can not succeed unless we try ; but we think with 
care we can succeed. The political affairs in Central 
America are not in quite as satisfactory condition as 
I wish. There are contending factions in that quar- 
ter, but it is true all the factions are agreed alike on 
the subject of colonization, and want it, and are 
more generous than we are here. To your colored 
race they have no objection. Besides, I would en- 
deavor to have you made equals, and have the best 
assurance that you should be the equals of the best. 
The practical thing I want to ascertain is, whether I 
can get a number of able-bodied men, with their wives 
and children, who are willing to go, when I present 
evidence, encouragement, and protection. Could I 
get a hundred tolerably intelligent men, with their 
wives and children, and able to "cut their own fod- 
der," so to speak ? Can I have fifty ? If I could find 
twenty-five able-bodied men, with a mixture of wo- 
men and children — good things in the family relation, 
I think — I could make a successful commencement. 
I want you to let me know whether this can be done 
or not. This is the practical part of my wish to see 
you. These are subjects of very great importance, 
worthy of a month's study, of a speech delivered in 
an hour. I ask you, then, to consider seriously, not 
pertaining to yourselves merely, nor for your race 
and ours for the present time, but as one of the 
things, if successfully managed, for the good of man- 



192 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 

kind, not confined to the present generation, but as 

" From age to age descends the lay 
To millions yet to be, 
Till far it's echoes roll away 
Into eternity." 

Letter to Horace Greeley, Aug. 22, 1862. 

Dear Sir: — I have just read yours of the 19th inst., 
addressed to myself through the New York Tribune. 
If there be in it any statements or assumptions of 
fact which I may know to be erroneous, I do not now 
and here controvert them. If there be any inferences 
which I may believe to be falsely drawn, I do not 
now and here argue against them. If there be per- 
ceptible in it an impatient and dictatorial tone, I 
waive it in deference to an old friend whose heart I 
have always supposed to be right. 

As to the policy I "seem to be pursuing," as you 
say, I have not meant to leave any one in doubt. I 
would save the Union. I would save it in the short- 
est way under the Constitution. The sooner the na- 
tional authority can be restored, the nearer the Union 
will be — the Union as it was. If there be those who 
would not save the Union unless they could at the 
same time save slavery, I do not agree with them. 

If there be those who would not save the Union 
unless they could at the same time destroy slavery, I 
do not agree with them. My paramount object is to 
save the Union, and not either to save or destroy 
slavery. 

If I could save the Union, without freeing any 



PEN AND VOICE. 193 

slave, I would do it ; if I could save it by freeing all 
the slaves, I would do it; and if I could do it by free- 
ing some, and leaving others alone, I would also do 
that. What I do about slavery and the colored race, 
I do because I believe it helps to save this Union. 
And what I forbear, I forbear because I do not be- 
lieve it would help to save the Union. 

I shall do less whenever I shall believe what I am 
doing hurts the cause, and I shall do more whenever 
I believe doing more will help the cause. 

I shall try to correct errors when shown to be er- 
rors, and I shall adopt new views so fast as they shall 
.appear to be true views. 

I have here stated my purpose according to my 
views of official duty, and I intend no modification 
of my oft-expressed personal wish that all men every- 
where could be free. Yours, A. Lincoln. 

Letter to Maj.-Gen. J. C. Fremont, Sept. 11, 1862. 
Sir: — Yours of the 8th, in answer to mine of the 
2d inst., was just received. Assuming that you, upon 
the ground, could better judge of the necessities of 
your position than I could at this distance, on seeing 
your proclamation of August 30th, I perceived no 
general objection to it; the particular clause, how- 
ever, in relation to the confiscation of property and 
the liberation of slaves, appeared to me to be objec- 
tionable in its non-conformity to the act of Congress 
passed the 6th of last August upon the same subject, 
and hence I wrote you expressing my wish that the 
clause should be modified accordingly. Your an- 
17 



194 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 

swer, just received, expresses the preference on your 
part that 1 should make an open order for the modi- 
cation, which I very cheerfully do. 

It is therefore ordered that the said clause of said 
proclamation be so modified, held, and construed as 
to conform with and not to transcend the provisions 
on the same subject contained in the act of Congress, 
entitled "An act to confiscate property used for in- 
surrectionary purposes, approved August 6, 18G1," 
and that said act be published at length with this 
order. Your obedient servant, A. Lincoln. 

To his Excellency, Andrew G. Curtin, Governor of. 
Pennsylvania, IIarrisburg, Pa. 
War Department, Washington, D. C, Sept. 11, 1862. 
Si r: — The application made to me by your adju- 
tant-general for authority to call out the militia of 
the State of Pennsylvania has received careful con- 
sideration. It is my anxious desire to afford, as far 
as possible, the means and power of the Federal Gov- 
ernment to protect the State of Pennsylvania from 
invasion by the rebel force, and since, in your judg- 
ment, the militia of the state are required, and have 
been called upon by you to organize for hoine de- 
fense and protection, I sanction the call that you have 
made, and will receive them into the service and pay 
of the United States to the extent they can be armed, 
equipped, and usefully employed. The arms and 
equipments now belonging to the general govern- 
ment will be needed for the troops called out for the 
national armies, so that arms can only be furnished 
for the quota of militia furnished by the draft of nine 



PEN AND VOICE. 195 

months men, heretofore ordered. But, as arms may 
be supplied by the militia under your call, these, 
with the 30,000 in your arsenal, will probably be suf- 
ficient for the purpose contemplated by your call. 
You will be authorized to provide such equipments 
as may be required, according to the regulations of 
the United States service, which, upon being turned 
over to the United States Quartermaster's Depart- 
ment, will be paid for at regulation prices, or the 
rates allowed by the department for such articles. 
Railroad transportation will also be paid for, as in 
other cases. Such general officer-swill be supplied as 
the exigencies of the service will permit. 

Yours truly, Abraham Lincoln. 

To Hon. Andrew G. Curtin, Harrisburg, Pa. 
War Department, Washington, D. C, 
September 12, 1862, 10:35 A. 31. 
Your dispatch, asking for 80,000 disciplined troops 
to be sent to Pennsylvania, is received. Please con- 
sider we have not to exceed 80,000 disciplined troops, 
properly so called, this side of the mountains, and 
most of them, with many of the new regiments, are 
now close in the rear of the enemy supposed to be 
invading Pennsylvania. Start half of them to Har- 
risburg, and the enemy will turn upon and beat the 
remaining half, and then reach Harrisburg before the 
part going there, and beat it, too, when it comes. 
The best possible security for Pennsylvania is put- 
ting the strongest force possible into the enemy's rear. 

A. Lincoln. 



196 ABRAHAM LINCOLN^ 

To Hon. Alexander Henry, Philadelphia. 

War Department, Washington, D. C, Sept. 12, 1862. 

Yours of to-day received — General Halleck has made 
the best provision he can for generals in Pennsylvania. 
Please do not be offended when I assure you that in my 
confident belief Philadelphia is in no danger. Gov- 
ernor Curtin lias just telegraphed me. I have advices 
that Jackson is crossing the Potomac at Williams- 
port, and probably the whole rebel army will be drawn 
from Maryland. At all events, Philadelphia is more 
than a hundred and fifty miles from Hagerstown, and 
could not l>e reached by the rebel army in ten days, 
if no hindrance was interposed. A. Lincoln. 

Remarks Respecting the Issue of the Proclamation, 
September 13, 1862. 
The President gave an audience to a deputation from 
all the religious denominations of Chicago, presenting a 
memorial for the immediate issue of an emancipation. 
proclamation, which was enforced by some remarks by the 
chairman. The President replied: — Tbe subject pre- 
sented in the memorial is one upon which I have 
thought much for weeks past, and I may even say for 
months. I am approached with the most opposite 
opinions and advice, and that by religious men, who 
are equally certain that they represent the Divine 
will. I am sure that either the one or the other class 
is mistaken in that belief, and perhaps, in some re- 
spect, both. I hope it will not be irreverent for me to 
say that if it is probable that God would reveal his 
will to others, on a point so connected with my duty, 



PEN AND VOICE. 197 

it might be supposed He would reveal it directly to 
me; for, unless I am more deceived in myself than I 
often am, it is my earnest desire to know the will of 
Providence in this matter, and if I can learn what it 
is, I will do it. These are not, however, the days of 
miracles, and I suppose it will be granted that I am 
not to expect a direct revelation. I must study the 
plain physical facts of the case, ascertain what is pos- 
sible, and learn what appears to be wise and right. 

The subject is difficult, and good men do not agree. 
For instance, the other day four gentlemen of stand- 
ing and intelligence from New York called as a dele- 
gation on business connected with the war, but before 
leaving, two of them earnestly besought me to pro- 
claim general emancipation, upon which the other two 
at once attacked them. You know also that the last 
session of Congress had a decided majority of anti- 
slavery men, yet they could not unite on this policy. 
And the same is true of the religious people. Why, 
the rebel soldiers are praying with a great deal more 
earnestness, I fear, than our own troops, and expect- 
ing God to favor their side, for one of our soldiers, 
who had been taken prisoner, told Senator Wilson a 
few days since, that he met nothing so discouraging 
as the evident sincerity of those he w r as among in 
their prayers. But we will talk over the merits of 
the case. 

What good would a proclamation of emancipation 
from me do, especially as we are now situated? I do 
not want to issue a document that the whole world 
will sec must necessarily be inoperative, like the Pope's 
bull against the comet. Would my word free the 



198 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 

slaves when I can not even enforce the Constitution 
in the rebel states? Is there a single court or magis- 
trate, or individual, that would be influenced by it 
there? And what reason is there' to think it would 
have any greater eft'ect upon the slaves than the late 
law of Congress, which I approved, and which offers 
protection and freedom to the slaves of rebel masters 
who come within our lines? Yet I can not learn that 
that law has caused a single slave to come over to us. 
And suppose they could be induced by a proclama- 
tion of freedom from me to throw themselves upon 
us, what should we do with them ? How can we feed 
and care for such a multitude? General Butler wrote 
me a few days since that he was issuing more rations 
to the slaves who have rushed to him, than to all the 
white troops under his command. They eat, and 
that is all, though it is true General Butler is feeding 
the whites also by the thousand, for it nearly amounts 
to a famine there. If now, the pressure of the war 
should call off our forces from New Orleans to defend 
some other point, what is to prevent the masters from 
reducing the blacks to slavery again, for I am told 
that whenever the rebels take any black prisoners, 
free or slave, they immediately auction them off. 
They did so with those they took from a boat that 
was aground in the Tennessee river a few days ago. 
And then .1 am very ungenerously attacked for it. 
For instance, when after the late battles at and near 
Bull Run, an expedition went out from Washington 
under a flag of truce, to bury the dead and bring in 
the wounded, and the rebels seized the blacks who 
went along to help, and sent them into slavery, 



PEN AND VOICE. 199 

Horace Greeley said in his paper that the government 
w.xiid probably do nothing about it. What could 
I do? 

Now, then, tell me, if you please, what possible re- 
sult of good would follow the issuing of such a procla- 
mation as you desire? Understand, I raise no objec- 
tions against it on legal or constitutional grounds, for, 
as commander-in-chief of the army and navy, in time 
of war I suppose I have a right to take any measure 
which may best subdue the enemy; nor do I raise ob- 
jections of a moral nature, in view of possible conse- 
quences of insurrection and massacre at the south. I 
view this matter as a practical war measure, to be 
decided on according to the advantages or disadvant- 
ages it may offer to the suppression of the rebellion. 

I admit that slavery is at the root of the rebellion, 
or at least its sine qua non. The ambition of politi- 
cians may have instigated them to act, but they would 
have been impotent without slavery as their instru- 
ment. I will also concede that emancipation would 
help us in Europe, and convince them that Ave are in- 
cited by something more than ambition. I grant, 
further, that it would help somewhat at the North, 
though not so much, I fear, as you and those you 
represent imagine. Still, some additional strength 
would be added in that way to the war, and then, un- 
questionably, it would weaken the rebels by drawing 
off their laborers, which is of great importance; but 
I am not so sure we could do much with the blacks. 
It' we were to arm them, I fear that in a few weeks 
the arms would be in the hands of the rebels; and, 
indeed, thus far, we have not had arms enough to 



200 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 

equip our white troops. I will mention another 
thing, though it meet only your scorn and contempt. 
There are 50,000 bayonets in the Union army from 
the border slave states. It would be a serious matter 
if, in consequence of a proclamation such as you de- 
sire, they should go over to the rebels. I do not. 
think they all would — not so many, indeed, as a year 
ago, or as six months ago — not so many to-day as 
yesterday. 

Every day increases their Union feeling. They are 
also getting their pride enlisted, and want to beat the 
rebels. Let me say one thing more : I think you 
should admit that we already have an important 
principle to rally and unite the people, in the fact 
that constitutional government is at stake. This is a 
fundamental idea going down about as deep as any 
thing. 

Do not misunderstand me because I have men- 
tioned these objections. They indicate the difficul- 
ties that have thus far prevented my action in some 
such way as you desire. I have not decided against 
a proclamation of liberty to the slaves, but hold the 
matter under advisement. And I can assure you 
that the subject is on my mind, by day and night, 
more than any other. Whatever shall appear to be 
God's will I will do. I trust that in the freedom 
with which I have canvassed your views I have not 
in any respect injured your feelings. 

Proclamation of Emancipation. 
I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States 
of America, and commander-in-chief of the army and 



PEN AND VOICE. 201 

navy thereof, do hereby proclaim and declare that 
hereafter, as heretofore, the war will be prosecuted 
for the object of practically restoring the constitu- 
tional relation between the United States and each 
of the states, and the people thereof, in which states 
that relation is or may be suspended or disturbed. 

That it is my purpose, upon the next meeting of 
Congress, to again recommend the adoption of a prac- 
tical measure tendering pecuniary aid to the free 
acceptance or rejection of all slave states so called — 
the people whereof may not then be in rebellion 
against the United States, and which states may then 
have voluntarily adopted, or thereafter may volun- 
tarily adopt, immediate or gradual abolishment of 
slavery within their respective limits; and that the 
effort to colonize persons of African descent, with 
their consent, upon this continent or elsewhere, with 
the previously obtained consent of the governments 
existing there, will be continued. 

That on the first day of January, in the year of our 
Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-three, all 
persons held as slaves within any state, or designated, 
part of a state, the people whereof shall then be in 
rebellion against the United States, shall be then, 
thenceforward, and forever free; and the Executive 
Department of the United States, including the mili- 
tary and naval authority thereof, will recognize and 
maintain the freedom of such persons, and will do no 
act or acts to repress such persons, or any of them, in 
any efforts they may make for their actual freedom. 

That the Executive will, on the first day of January, 
by proclamation aforesaid, designate the states and 



202 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 

parts of states, if any, in which the people thereof re- 
spectively shall then be in rebellion against the United 
State ; and the fact that any state, or the people there- 
of, shall on that day be in good faith represented in 
the Congress of the United States, by members chosen 
thereto at election wherein a majority of the qualified 
voters of such state shall have participated, shall, in 
the absence of strong countervailing testimony, be 
deemed conclusive evidence that such state, and the 
people thereof, are not then in rebellion against the 
United States. 

The attention is hereby called to an act of Con- 
gress, entitled : 

"AN ACT to make an additional Article of War " approved March 
13, 1862, and which act is in the words and figures following: 

Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representa- 
tives of the United States of America, in Congress assem- 
bled, That hereafter the following shall be promul- 
gated as an additional article of war for the govern- 
ment of the army of the United States, and shall be 
obeyed and observed as such : 

Article. — All offieers or persons in the military or 
naval service of the United States are prohibited from 
employing any of the forces under their respective 
commands for the purpose of returning fugitives from 
service or labor who may have escaped from any per- 
sons to whom such service or labor is claimed to be 
due ; and any officer who shall be found guilty by a 
court-martial of violating this article shall be dis- 
missed from the service. 



PEN AND VOICE. 203 

Sec. 2. And be it further enacted, That this act shall 
take effect from and alter its passage. 

Also, to the ninth and tenth sections of an act en- 
titled "An act to Suppress Insurrection, to Punish 
Treason and Rebellion, to Seize and Confiscate Prop- 
erty of Rebels, and for Other Purposes," approved 
July 16, 1802, and which sections are in the words 
and figures following: 

Sec 9. And be it further enacted. That all slaves of 
persons who shall hereafter be engaged in rebellion 
against the Government of the United States, or who 
shall in any way give aid or comfort thereto, escaping 
from such persons and taking refuge within the lines 
of the army; and all slaves captured from such per- 
sons, or deserted by them and coming under the con- 
trol of the Government of the United States; and 
all slaves of such persons found on [or] being within 
any place occupied by rebel forces and afterwards 
occupied by forces of the United States, shall be 
deemed captives of war, and shall be forever free of 
their servitude, and not again held as slaves. 

Sec 10. And tie it farther enactedy'That no slave es- 
caping into any state, territory, or the District of 
Columbia, from any other state, shall be delivered 
up, or in any way impeded or hindered of his liberty, 
except for crime, or some offense against the laws, 
unless the person claiming such fugitive shall first 
make oath that the person to whom the labor or 
service of such fugitive is alleged to be due is his 
lawful owner, and has not borne arms against the 
United States in the present rebellion, nor in any 
way given aid or comfort thereto ; and no person en- 



204 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 

gaged in the military or naval service of the United 
States shall, under any pretense whatever, assume to 
decide on the validity of the claim of any person to 
the service or labor of any other person, or surrender 
up any such person to the claimant, on pain of being 
dismissed from the service. 

And I do hereby enjoin upon and order all persons 
engaged in the military or naval service of the United 
States to observe, obey, and enforce, within their re- 
spective spheres of service, the act and sections above 
recited. 

And the Executive will in due time recommend 
that all citizens of the United States who shall have 
remained loyal thereto throughout the rebellion, 
shall (upon the restoration of the constitutional rela- 
tion between the United States and their respective 
states and people, if that relation shall have been 
suspended or disturbed) be compensated for all losses 
by acts of the United States, including the loss of 
slaves. 

In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and 
caused the seal of the United States to be affixed. 

Done at the City of Washington, this twenty-second 
day of September, in the year of our Lord one thou- 
sand eight hundred and sixty-two, and of the inde- 
pendence of the United States the eighty-seventh. 

Abraham Lincoln. 

SrEECH at Serenade in Honor of the Emancipation 
Proclamation, September 24, 1862. 
Fellow '- citizens : — I appear before you to do little 
more than to acknowledge the courtesy you pay me, 



PEN AND VOICE. 205 

and to thank you for it. I have not been distinctly 
informed why it is on this occasion you appear to do 
me this honor, though I suppose it is because of the 
proclamation. I was about to say, I suppose I under- 
stand it. What I did, I did after very full delibera- 
tion, and under a very heavy and solemn sense of 
responsibility. I can only trust in God I have made 
no mistake. I shall make no attempt on this occa- 
sion to sustain what I have done or said by any com- 
ment. It is now for the country and the world to 
pass judgment upon it, and, may be, take action upon 
it. I will say no more upon this subject. In my 
position I am environed with difficulties. Yet they 
are scarcely so great as the difficulties of those who, 
upon the battle field, are endeavoring to purchase 
with their blood and their lives the future happiness 
and prosperity of the country. Let us never forget 
them. On the fourteenth and seventeenth days of 
the present month there have been battles bravely, 
skillfully, and successfully fought. Wc do not yet 
know the particulars. Let us be sure that in giving 
praise to particular individuals, we do no injustice to 
others. I only ask you at the conclusion of these 
few remarks to give three hearty cheers to all good 
and brave officers and men who fought these suc- 
cessful battles. 

To Major John J. Key. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, September 26, 1862. 

Sir: — I am informed that in answer to the ques- 
tion, "Why was not the rebel army bagged immedi- 
ately after the battle near Sharpsburg?" propounded 



.206 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 

to you by Major Levi C. Turner, Judge Advocate, 
etc., you answered : " That is not the game. The 
object is, that neither army shall get much advantage 
of the other; that both shall be kept in the tield till 
they are exhausted, when we will make a compromise 
and save slavery." 

I shall be very happy if you will, within twenty- 
four hours from the receipt of this, prove to me by 
Major Turner that you did not, either literally or in 
substance, make the answer stated. Yours, 

A. Lincoln. 

At about eleven o'clock A. M., September 27, 1862, 
Major Key and Major Turner appeared before me. 
Major Turner says, "As I remember it, the conversa- 
tion was: I asked the question, why we did not bag 
them after the battle of Sharpsburg. Major Key's 
reply was, That was not the game: that we should 
tire the rebels out and ourselves; that that was the 
only way the Union could be preserved ; we come to- 
gether fraternally, and slavery be saved." 

On cross-examination Major Turner says he has 
frequently heard Major Key converse in regard to 
the present troubles, and never heard him utter a 
sentiment unfavorable to the maintenance of the 
Union. He has never uttered anything which he, 
Major Turner, would call disloyalty. The particular 
conversation detailed was a private one. 

A. Lincoln. 

INDORSED ON THE ABOVE. 

In my view it is wholly inadmissible for any gen- 
tleman holding a military commission from the 



PEN AND VOICE. 207 

United States to utter such sentiments as Major Key 
is within proved to have done. Therefore, let Major 
John J. Key be forthwith dismissed from the military 
service of the United States. A. Lincoln. 

To Thomas H. Clay, Cincinnati, Ohio. 

War Department, October 8, 1862. 

You can not have relleeted seriously when you ask 
that I shall order General Morgan's command to Ken- 
tucky as a favor because they have marched from 
Cumberland Gap. The precedent established by it 
would eventually break up the whole army. Buelfs 
old troops now in pursuit of Bragg have done more 
hard marching recently; and, in fact, if you include 
marching and fighting, there are scarcely any old 
troops east or west of the mountains that have not 
done as hard service. 

I sineerely wish war was an easier and pleasanter 
business than it is, but it does not admit of holidays. 
On Morgan's command, where it is now sent, as I un- 
derstand, depends the question whether the enemy 
will get to the Ohio river in another place. 

A. Lincoln. 

Letter to General McClellan, October 13, 18G2. 

My Dear Sir. — You remember my speaking to you 
of what I ealled your over-cautiousness. Are you 
not over-cautious when you assume that you can not 
do what the enemy is constantly doing? Should you 
not claim to be at least his equal in prowess and act 
upon the claim ? 

As I understand you telegraphed General Halleck 



208 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 

that you can not subsist your army at Winchester, 
unless the railroad from Harper's Ferry to that point 
he put in working order. But the enemy does now 
subsist his army at Winchester at a distance nearly 
twice as great from railroad transportation as you 
would have to do without the railroad last named, 
lie now wagons from Culpepper Court-house, which 
is just about twice as far as you would have to do 
from Harper's Ferry. He is certainly not more than 
half as well provided with wagons as you are. I cer- 
tainly should be pleased for you to have the advantage 
of the railroad from Harper's Ferry to Winchester; 
but it wastes all the remainder of autumn to give it 
to you, and in fact ignores the question of time, which 
can not and must not be ignored. Again, one of the 
standard maxims of war, as you know, is " to operate 
141011 the enemy's communications as much as possi- 
ble without exposing your own." You seem to act as 
if this applies against you, but can not apply in your 
favor. Change positions with the enemy, and think 
you not he would break your communication with 
Richmond within the next twenty-four hours? You 
dread his going into Pennsylvania. 

But if he does so in full force he gives up his com- 
munications to you absolutely, and you have nothing 
to do but to follow and ruin him; if he does so with 
less than full force, fall upon and beat what is left 
behind all the easier. 

Exclusive of the water line, you are now nearer 
Richmond than the enemy is by the route that you 
can, and he must take. 

Why can you not reach there before him, unless 



PEN AND VOICE. 209 

you admit that he is more than your equal on a 
march. His route is the arc of a circle, while yours 
is the chord. The roads are as good on yours as on 
his. 

You "know I desired, but did not order, you to 
cross the Potomac below instead of above the Shen- 
andoah and Blue Ridge. 

My idea was, that this would at once menace the 
enemy's communications, which I would seize if he 
would permit. If he should move northward, I 
would follow him closely, holding his communica- 
tions. If he should prevent our seizing his communi- 
cations, and move toward Richmond, I would press 
closely to him, right him if a favorable opportunity 
should present, and at least try to beat him to Rich- 
mond on the inside track. I say " try;" if we never 
try, we shall never succeed. If he make a stand at 
Winchester, moving neither north nor south, I would 
right him there, on the idea that if we can not beat 
him, when he bears the wastage of coming to us, we 
never can when we bear the wastage of going to him. 
This proposition is a simple truth, and is too im- 
portant to be lost sight of for a moment. In coming 
to us, he tenders us an advantage which we should 
not waive. ^Ve should not so operate as to merely 
drive him away. As we must beat him somewhere, 
or fail finally, we can do it, if at all, easier near to 
us than far away. If we can not beat the enemy 
where he now is, we never can, he again being within 
the intrenchments at Richmond. Recurring to the 
idea of going to Richmond on the inside track, the 
facility of supplying from the side away from the 
18 



210 ABRAHAM LINCOLN S 

enemy, is remarkable, as it were, by the different 
spokes of a wheel, extending from the hub toward 
the rim, and this whether you move directly by the 
chord or on the inside arc, hugging the Blue Ridge 
more closely. The chord line, as you see, carries you 
by Aldie, Haymarket, and Fredericksburg, and 
you see how turnpikes, railroads, and finally the 
Potomac, by Aquia creek, meet you at all points 
from Washington. The same, only the lines length- 
ened a little, if you press closer to the Blue Ridge 
part of the way. The gaps through the Blue Ridge 
I understand to be about the following distances from 
Harper's Ferry, to wit : Vestals, five miles ; Gregory's, 
thirteen ; Snicker's, eighteen ; Ashby's, twenty-eight ; 
Manassas, thirty-eight ; Chester, forty-five ; and 
Thornton's, fifty-three. I should think it preferable 
to lake the route nearest the enemy, disabling him to 
make an important move without your knowledge, 
and compelling him to keep his forces together for 
dread of you. The gaps would enable you to attack if 
you should wish. For a great part of the way you 
would be practically between the enemy and both 
Washington and Richmond, enabling us to spare you 
the greatest number of troops from here. When, at 
length, running for Richmond ahead of him, enables 
him to move this way ; if he does so, turn and attack 
him in the rear. But I think he should be engaged 
long before such point is reached. It is all easy if your 
troops march as well as the enemy, and it is unmanly 
to say they can not do it. This letter is in no sense 
an order. Yours, truly, A. Lincoln. 



pen and voice. 211 

Order Establishing a Provisional Court. 
Executive Mansion, Washington, Oct. 20, 1862. 
The insurrection which has for some time prevailed 
in several of the states in this Union, including Louis- 
iana, having temporarily subverted and swept away the 
civil institutions of that state, including the judiciary 
and the judicial authorities of the Union, so that it has 
become necessary to hold the state in military occupa- 
tion, and it being indispensably necessary that there 
shall be some judicial tribunal existing there capable 
of administering justice, I have therefore thought it 
proper to appoint, and I do hereby constitute a pro- 
visional court, which shall be a court of record for the 
State of Louisiana, and I do hereby appoint Charles 
A. Peabody, of "New York, to be a provisional judge 
to hold such court, with authority to hear, try, and 
determine all causes, civil and criminal, including 
causes in law, equity, revenue, and admiralty, and 
particularly with all such powers and jurisdiction as 
belong to the district and circuit court of the United 
States, conforming his proceedings, as far as possible, 
to the course of proceedings and practice which has 
been customary in the courts of the United States and 
Louisiana — his judgment to be final and conclusive. 
And I do hereby authorize and empower the said 
judge to make and establish such rules and regula- 
tions as may be necessary for the exercise of his ju- 
risdiction, and to appoint a prosecuting attorney, mar- 
shal and clerk of the said court, who shall perform the 
functions of attorney, marshal and clerk according to 
such proceedings and practice as before mentioned, 
and such rules and regulations as may be made and 



212 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 

established by said judge. These appointments are 
to continue during the pleasure of the president, not 
extending beyond the military occupation of the city 
of New Orleans, or the restoration of the civil author- 
ity in that city and in the State of Louisiana. These 
officers shall be paid out of the contingent fund of the 
war department. Abraham Lincoln. 

Letter Given to Thomas R. Smith, of Bolivar, Tenn 

October 31, 1862. 
Major-General Grant, Governor Johnson, and all 
having military, naval and civil authorities under the 
United States within the State of Tennessee : The 
bearer of this, Thomas R. Smith, a citizen of Tennes- 
see, goes to that state, seeking to have such of the 
peqple thereof as desire to avoid the unsatisfactory 
prospect before them, and to have peace again upon 
the old terms, under the Constitution of the United 
States, to manifest such desire by election of members 
to the Congress of the United States particularly, and 
perhaps a legislature, state officers, and a United 
States senator, friendly to their object. I shall be 
glad for you and each of you, to aid him, and all 
others acting for this object, as much as possible. In 
all available ways give the people a chance to express 
their wishes at these elections. Follow law and forms 
of law as far as convenient; but, at all events, get the 
expression of the largest number of people possible. 
All see how such an action will connect with and af- 
fect the proclamation of September 22. Of course the 
men elected should be gentlemen of character, willing 
to swear to support the constitution as of old, and 



pen and voice. 213 

known to be above reasonable suspicion of duplic- 
ity. Yours very respectfully, A.Lincoln. 

To McClellan, October 25, 1862. 
I have just read your dispatch about sore-tongue 
and fatigued horses. Will you pardon me for asking 
what the horses of your army have done since the bat- 
tle of Antietam that fatigues any thing? 

A. Lincoln. 

To McClellan, October 26, 1862. 
Yours in reply to mine about horses received. Of 
course you know the facts better than I. Still, two 
considerations remain ; Stuart's cavalry outmarched 
ours, having certainly done more marked service on 
the peninsula and every where since. Secondly ; will 
not a movement of our army be a relief to the cavalry, 
compelling the enemy to concentrate instead of "for- 
aging" in squads every-where? But 1 am so rejoiced 
to learn from your dispatch to General Ilalleck that 
you began crossing the river this morning. 

A. Lincoln. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, Nov. 1, 1862. 
To whom it may concern: — Captain Derrickson, with 
his company, has been for some time keeping guard 
at my residence, now at the Soldiers' Retreat. lie 
and his company are very agreeable to me, ami while 
it is deemed proper for any guard to remain, none 
would be more satisfactory to me than Captain D — 
and his company. A. Lincoln. 



214 abraham lincoln's 

Letter to Governor Bradford, November, 2, 1863. 

Sir : — Yours of the 31st ultimo was received yes- 
terday about noon, and since then I have been giving 
most earnest attention to the subject-matter of it. At 
my call General Schenck has attended, and he assures 
me it is almost certain that violence will be used at 
some of the voting places on election day, unless pre- 
vented by his provost guards. He says that in some 
of those places the Union voters will not attend at all, 
or run a ticket, unless they have assurance of pro- 
tection. This makes the Missouri case of my action, 
in regard to which you express your approval. 

The remaining point of your letter is a protest 
against any person offering to vote being put to any 
test not found in the laws of Maryland. This brings 
us to a difference between Missouri and Maryland. 
With the same reason in both states, Missouri has, 
by law, provided a test for the voter with reference to 
the present rebellion, while Maryland has not. For 
example, General Trimble, captured lighting us at 
Gettysburg, is, without recanting his treason, a legal 
voter by the laws of Maryland. Even General 
Schenck's order admits him to vote, if he recants 
upon oath. I think that is cheap enough. My order 
in Missouri, which you approve, and General Schenck's 
order here, reach precisely the same end. Each as- 
sures the right of voting to all loyal men, and whether 
that man is loyal, each allows that man to fix by his 
own oath. Your suggestion that nearly all the can- 
didates are loyal I do not think quite meets the case # 

In this struggle for the nation's life, I can not so 



PEN AND VOICE. 21a 

confidently rely on those whose election may have 
depended upon disloyal votes. Such men, when 
elected, may prove true, but such votes are given them 
in expectation that they will prove false. Nor do I 
think that to keep the peace at the polls, and to pre- 
vent the persistently disloyal from voting, constitutes 
just cause of offense to Maryland. I think she has 
her own example for it. If I mistake not, it is precise- 
ly what General 1 >i x did when your excellency was 
elected governor. I revoke the first of the three pro- 
positions in General Schenck's general order, No. 53, 
not that it is wrong in principle, hut because the 
military being of necessity exclusive judges as to who 
shall be arrested, the provision is liable to abuse. For 
the revoked part I substitute the following : 

That all provost marshals and other military officers 
do prevent all disturbance and violence at or about 
the polls, whether offered by such persons as above 
described, or by any other person or persons whatso- 
ever. 

The other two propositions of the order I allow to 
stand. General Schenck is fully determined, and has 
my strict order besides, that all loyal men may vote, 
and vote for whom they please. 

Your obedient servant, A. Lincoln. 

President's Order relieving General McClellan. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, November 5, 18G2. 

By direction of the President, it is ordered that 
Major-General McClellan be relieved from the com- 
mand of the Army of the Potomac, and that Major- 
General Burnside take command of that army. Also 



216 ABRAHAM LINCOLN^ 

that Major-General Hunter take command of the corps 
in said army which is now commanded by General 
Burnside. That Major-General Fitz John Porter be 
relieved from the command of the corps he now com- 
mands in said army, and that Major-General Hooker 
take command of such corps. 

The General-in-chief is authorized in (his) discretion, 
to issue an order substantially as the above, forthwith, 
or so soon as he may deem proper. A. Lincoln. 

Proclamation. 
Eeentive Mansion, Washington, Nov., 16, 1862. 

The President, Commander-in-chief of the Army and 
Navy, desires and enjoins the orderly observance of 
the Sabbath by the officers and men in the military 
and naval service. The importance for man and beast 
of the prescribed weekly rest, the sacred rights of 
Christian soldiers and sailors, a becoming deference 
to the best sentiment of a Christian people, and a due 
regard for the Divine will, demand that Sunday labor 
in the army and navy be reduced to the measure of 
strict necessity. . 

The discipline and character of the national forces 
should not sutler, nor the cause they defend be im- 
periled, by the profanation of the day or the name of 
the Most High. "At the time of public distress," 
adopting the words of Washington in 1776, "men may 
find enough to do in the service of God and their 
country, without abandoning themselves to vice and 
immorality." The first general order issued by the 
Father of his Country, after the Declaration of In- 
dependence, indicates the spirit in which our insti- 



PEN AND VOICE. 217 

tutions were founded, and should ever be defended. 
" The general hopes and trusts that every officer and 
man will endeavor to live and act as becomes a Christ- 
ian soldier defending the dearest rights and liberties 
of his country." A. Lincoln. 

Letter to Carl Schurz, November 24, 1862. 
I have just received and read your letter of the 
20th. The purport of it is that we lost the late 
elections, and the administration is failing because 
the war is unsuccessful, and that I must not flatter 
myself that I am not justly to blame for it. I cer- 
tainly knew that if the war fails the administration 
fails, and that I will be blamed for it, whether I de- 
serve it or not. And I ought to be blamed, if I 
could do better. You think I could do better, there- 
fore you blame me already. I think I could not do 
better, therefore I blame you for blaming me. I un- 
derstand you now to be willing to accept the help 
of men who are not Republicans, provided they have 
" heart in it." Agreed. I want no others. But who 
is to be the judge of hearts, or of "heart in it?" 
If I must discard my own judgment, and take yours, 
I must also take that of others; and by the time I 
should reject all I should be advised to reject, I 
should have none left, Republicans or others, not even 
yourself, for be assured, my dear sir, there are men 
who have " heart in it " that think you are per- 
forming your part as poorly as you think I am per- 
forming mine. I certainly have been dissatisfied 
with the slowness of Buell and MeClellan, but be- 
19 



218 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 

fore I relieved them I had great fears I should not 
find successors to them who would do better; and I 
am sorry to add that I have seen little since to re- 
lieve those fears. I do not clearly see the prospect 
of any more rapid movements. I fear we shall at 
last find out the difficulty is in our case rather than 
in particular generals. I wish to disparage no one, 
certainly not those who sympathize with me, but I 
must say I need success more than I need sympathy, 
and that I have not seen the so much greater evi-' 
dence of getting success from my sympathizers than 
from those who are denounced as the contrary. It 
does seem to me that in the field the two classes 
have been very much alike in what they have done 
and what they have failed to do. In sealing their 
faith with their blood, Baker, and Lyon, and Bohlen, 
and Richardson, Republicans, did all that men could 
do; but did they any more than Kearney, Stevens, 
and Reno, and Mansfield, none of whom were Repub- 
licans, and some at least of whom have been bitterly 
and repeatedly denounced to me as secession sympa- 
thizers? I will not perform the ungrateful task of 
comparing cases of failure. In answer to your ques- 
tion, Has it not been publicly stated in the news- 
papers, and apparently proved as a fact, that from 
the commencement of the war the enemy was con- 
tinually supplied with information by some of the 
confidential subordinates of as important an officer 
as Adjutant-General Thomas? I must say, "No," as 
far as my knowledge extends. And I add if you can 
give any tangible evidence upon the subject, I will 
thank you to come to this city and do so. 



pen and voice. 219 

Second Annual Message, December 1, 1862. 

Fellow- Citizens of the Senate and House of Repre- 
sentatives: — Since your last annual assembling another 
year of health and bountiful harvests has passed. 
And while it has not pleased the Almighty to bless 
us with a return of peace, we can but press on, guided 
by the best light He gives us, trusting that in His 
own good time and wise way all will yet be well. 

The correspondence touching foreign affairs which 
has taken place during the last year is herewith sub- 
mitted, in virtual compliance with a request to that 
effect made by the House of Representatives near the 
close of the last session of Congress. 

If the condition of our relations with other nations 
is less gratifying than it has usually been at former 
periods, it is certainly more satisfactory than a nation 
so unhappily distracted as we are, might reasonably 
have apprehended. In the month of June last there 
were some grounds to expect that the maritime pow- 
ers which, at the beginning of our domestic difficul- 
ties, so unwisely and unnecessarily, as we think, 
recognized the insurgents as a belligerant, would soon 
recede from that position, which has proved only less 
injurious to themselves than to our own country. 
But the temporary reverses which afterward befell the 
national arms, and which were exaggerated by our 
own disloyal citizens abroad, have hitherto delayed 
that act of simple justice. 

The civil war, which has so radically changed, for 
the moment, the occupations and habits of the Amer- 
ican people, has necessarily disturbed the social con- 



220 Abraham Lincoln's 

dition and affected very deeply the prosperity of the 
nations with which we have carried on a commerce 
that has been steadily increasing throughout a period 
of half a century. It has, at the same time, excited 
political ambitions and apprehensions which have 
produced a profound agitation throughout the civil- 
ized world. In this unusual agitation we have for- 
borne from taking part in any controversy between 
foreign states, and between parties or factions in such 
states. We have attempted no propagandism, and 
acknowledged no revolution. But we have left to 
every nation the exclusive conduct and management 
of its own affairs. Our struggle has been, of course, 
contemplated by foreign nations with reference less 
to its own merits than to its supposed and often ex- 
aggerated effects and consequences resulting to those 
nations themselves. Nevertheless, complaint on the 
part of this government, even if it were just, would 
certainly be unwise. 

The treaty with Great Britain for the suppression 
of the slave trade has been put into operation with 
a good prospect of complete success. It is an occa- 
sion of special pleasure to acknowledge that the exe- 
cution of it, on the part of her majesty's government, 
has been marked with a jealous respect for the au- 
thority of the United States, and the rights of their 
moral and loyal citizens. 

The convention with Hanover for the abolition of 
the state dues has been carried into full effect, under 
the act of Congress for that purpose. 

A blockade of three thousand miles of sea-coast 
could not be established, and vigorously enforced, in 



PEN AND VOICE. 221 

a season of great commercial activity like tne pres- 
ent, without committing occasional mistakes and in- 
flicting unintentional injuries upon foreign nations 
and their subjects. 

A civil war, occurring in a country where foreign- 
ers reside, and carry on trade under treaty stipula- 
tions, is necessarily fruitful of complaints of the 
violation of neutral rights. All such collisions tend 
to excite misapprehensions, and possibly to produce 
mutual reclamations between nations which have a 
common interest in preserving peace and friendship. 
In clear cases of these kinds, I have, so far as possible, 
heard and redressed complaints which have been pre- 
sented by friendly powers. There is still, however, a 
large and an augmenting number of doubtful cases 
upon which the government is unable to agree with 
the government whose protection is demanded by the 
claimants. 

There are, moreover, many cases in which the 
United States, or their citizens, suffer wrongs from 
the naval or military authorities of foreign nations, 
which the governments of those states are not at 
once prepared to redress. 

I have proposed to some of the foreign states, thus 
interested, mutual conventions to examine and adjust 
such complaints. This proposition has been made 
especially to Great Britain, to France, to Spain, and 
to Prussia. In each case it has been kindly received, 
but has not yet been formally adopted. 

Applications have been made to me by many free 
Americans of African descent to favor the emigra- 
tion with a view to such colonization as was contem- 



222 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 

plated in recent acts of Congress. Other parties, at 
home and abroad — some from interested motives, 
others upon patriotic considerations, and still others 
influenced from philanthropic sentiments — have sug- 
gested similar measures. "While, on the other hand, 
several of the Spanish-American republics have .pro- 
tested against the sending of such colonies to their 
respective territories. Under these circumstances, I 
have declined to move any such colony to any state, 
without first obtaining the consent of its government, 
with an agreement on its part to receive and protect 
such emigrants in all the rights of freemen ; and I 
have, at the same time, offered to the several states 
situated within the tropics, or having colonies there, 
to negotiate with them, subject to the advice and 
consent of the Senate, to favor the voluntary emigra- 
tion of persons of that class to their respective terri- 
tories, upon conditions which shall be equal, just and 
humane. Liberia and Hayti are, as yet, the only 
countries to which colonists of African descent from 
here could go with certainty of being received and 
adopted as citizens; and I regret to say such persons, 
contemplating colonization, do not seem so willing to 
migrate to those countries as to some others, nor so 
willing as I think their interest demands. I believe, 
However, opinion among them in this respect is im- 
proving; and that, ere long, there will be an aug- 
mented and considerable migration to both those 
countries from the United States. 

On the 22d day of September last, a proclamation 
was issued by the Executive, a copy of which is here- 
with submitted. 



PEN AND VOICE. 223 

Iii accordance with the purpose expressed in the 
second paragraph of that paper, I now respectfully 
recall your attention to what maybe called "com- 
pensated emancipation." 

A nation may be said to consist of its territory, its 
people, and its laws. The territory is the only part 
which is of certain durability. " One generation 
passeth away, and another generation cometh, but 
the earth abideth forever." It is of the first import- 
ance to duly consider and estimate this ever endur- 
ing part. That portion of the earth's surface which 
is owned and inhabited by the people of the United 
States is well adapted to be the home of one national 
family, and it is not well adapted for two, or more. 
Its vast extant, and its variety of climate and pro- 
ductions, are of advantage, in this age, for one peo- 
ple, whatever they might have been in former ages. 
Steam, telegraphs, and intelligence have brought 
these to be an advantageous combination for one 
united people. 

In the inaugural address, I briefly pointed out the 
total inadequacy of disunion as a remedy for the dif- 
ferences between the people and the two sections. 
There is no line, straight or crooked, suitable' for a 
national boundary upon which to divide. Trace 
through, from east to west, upon the line between 
the free and slave country, and we shall find a little 
more than one-third of its length are rivers, easy to 
lie crossed, and populated, or soon to be populated, 
thickly, upon both sides; while nearly all its remain- 
ing length are merely surveyors' lines, over which 
people may walk back and forth without any con- 



224 ABRAHAM LINCOLN^ 

sciousness of their presence. No part of this line can 
be made any more difficult to pass by writing it 
down on paper or parchment as a national boundary. 
The fact of separation, if it comes, gives up, on the 
part of the seceding section, the fugitive slave cause, 
along with all other constitutional obligations upon 
the section seceded from, while I should expect no 
treaty stipulation would ever be made to take its 
place. 

But there is another difficulty. The great interior 
region, bounded east by the Alleghanies, north by 
the British Dominions, west by the Rocky mountains, 
and south by the line along which the culture of corn 
and cotton meets, and which includes part of Vir- 
ginia, part of Tennessee, all of Kentucky, Ohio, In- 
diana, Michigan, Wisconsin, Illinois, Missouri, Kan- 
sas, Iowa, Minnesota, and the territories of Dakota, 
Nebraska, and part of Colorado, already has above 
ten million people, and will have fifty million within 
fifty years, if not prevented by any political folly or 
mistake. It contains more than one-third of tbe 
country owned by the United States — certainly more 
than one million square miles. Once half as popu- 
lous as Massachusetts already is, it would have more 
than seventy-five million people. A glance at the 
map shows that, territorially speaking, it is the great 
body of the republic. 

The other parts are but marginal borders to it, the 
magnificent region sloping west from the Rocky 
mountains to the Pacific, being the deepest and also 
the richest in undeveloped resources. In the produc- 
tion of provisions, grains, grasses, and all which pro- 



PEN AND VOICE. 225 

ceed from them, this great interior region is naturally 
one of the most important in the world. Ascertain 
from the statistics the small proportion of the region 
which has, as yet, been brought into cultivation, and 
also the large and rapidly increasing amount of its 
products, and we shall be overwhelmed with the mag- 
nitude of the prospect presented. And yet this region 
has no sea-coast; touches no ocean anywhere. As 
part of one nation, its people now find, and may for- 
ever find, their way to Europe by New York, to 
South America and Africa by New Orleans, and to 
Asia by San Francisco. But separate our common 
country into two nations, as designed by the present 
rebellion, and every man of this great interior region 
is thereby cut off from some one or more of these out- 
lets, not, perhaps, by a physical barrier, but by em- 
barassing and onerous trade regulations. 

And this is true wherever a dividing or boundary 
line may be fixed. Place it between the now free and 
slave country, or place it south of Kentucky, or north 
of Ohio, and still the truth remains, that none south 
of it can trade to any port or place north of it, and 
none north of it can trade to any port or place south 
of it, except upon terms dictated by a government 
foreign to them. These outlets, east, west and south, 
are indispensable to the well-being of the people in- 
habiting, and to inhabit this vast interior region. 
Which of the three may be the best is no proper ques- 
tion. All are better than either; and all of right be- 
long to that people, and to their successors forever. 
True to themselves, they will not ask where a line of 
separation shall be, but will vow rather that there 



226 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 

shall be no such line. ISTor are the marginal regions 
less interested in these communications to and through 
them, to the great outside world. They, too, and 
each of them, must have access to this Egypt of the 
west, without paying toll at the crossing of any na- 
tional boundary. 

Our national strife springs not from our permanent 
part; not from the land we inhabit ; not from our na- 
tional homestead. There is no possible severing of 
this, but would multiply, and not mitigate evils 
among us. In all its adaptations and aptitudes, it de- 
mands union, and abhors separation. In fact, it 
would, ere long, force reunion, however much of 
blood and treasure the separation might have cost. 

Our strife pertains to ourselves — to the passing gen- 
erations of men; and it can, without convulsion, be 
hushed forever with the passing of one generation. 

In this view, I recommend the adoption of the fol- 
lowing resolution and articles amendatory to the 
Constitution of the United States: 

"Resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives 
of the United States of America in Congress assembled 
(two-thirds of both houses concurring), That the fol- 
lowing articles be proposed to the legislature (or 
conventions) of the several states as amendments to 
the Constitution of the United States, all or any of 
which articles when ratified by three-fourths of the 
said legislature (or conventions), to be valid as part 
or parts of the said Constitution, namely : 

"Article — Every state, wherein slavery now exists, 
which shall abolish the same therein, at any time, or 
times, before the first day of January, in the year of 



PEN AND VOICE. 227 

our Lord one thousand nine hundred, shall receive 
compensation from the United States, as follows, 
to wit : 

The President of the United States shall deliver to 
every such state bonds of the United States, bearing 

interest at the rate of for each slave shown to 

have been therein by the eighth census of the United 
States, such bonds to be delivered to such states by 
installments, or in one parcel, at the completion of the 
abolishment, accordingly as the same shall have been 
gradual, or at one time, within such state; and in- 
terest shall begin to run upon any such bond only 
from the proper time of its delivery as aforesaid. 

Any state having received bonds as aforesaid, and 
afterward reintroducing or tolerating slavery*therein, 
shall refund to the United States the bonds so re- 
ceived, or the value thereof, and all interest paid 
thereon. 

"Article — All slaves who shall have enjoyed actual 
freedom by the chances of the war at any time before 
the end of the rebellion, shall be forever free; but all 
owners of such, who shall not have been disloyal, 
shall be compensated for them, at the same rates as is 
provided for states adopting abolishment of slavery, 
but in such way that no slave shall be twice ac- 
counted for. 

"Article — Congress may appropriate money and 
otherwise provide for colonizing free colored persons, 
with their own consent, at an}' place or places with- 
out the United States." 

I beg indulgence to discuss these proposed articles 
at some length. Without slavery the rebellion could 



228 ABRAHAM LINCOLN S 

never have existed; without slavery it could not con- 
tinue. 

Among the friends of the Union there is great di- 
versity of sentiment and of policy in regard to 
slaver)' and the African race among us. Some would 
perpetuate slavery; some would abolish it suddenly, 
and without compensation; some would abolish it 
gradually, and with compensation; some would re- 
move the freed people from us, and some would re- 
tain them with us; and there are yet other minor di- 
versities. Because of these diversities, Ave waste 
much strength in struggles among ourselves. By 
mutual concession we should harmonize and act to- 
gether. This would be compromise, but it would be 
compromise among the friends, and not with the en- 
emies of the Union. These articles are intended to 
embody a plan of such mutual concessions. If the 
plan shall be adopted, it is assumed that emancipa- 
tion will follow, at least, in several of the states. 

As to the first article, the main points are, first, the 
emancipation ; secondly, the length of time for con- 
summating it — thirty-seven years — and, thirdly, the 
compensation. 

The emancipation will be unsatisfactory to the ad- 
vocates of perpetual slavery; but the length of time 
should greatly mitigate their dissatisfaction. The 
time spares both races from the evils of sudden de- 
rangement — in fact, from the necessity of any derange- 
ment — while most of those whose habitual course of 
thought will be disturbed by the measure will have 
passed away before its consummation. They will 
never see it. Another class will hail the prospect of 



PEN AND VOICE. 229 

emancipation, but will deprecate the length of time. 
They will feel that it gives too little to the now liv- 
ing slaves. But it really gives them much. It saves 
them from the vagrant destitution which must largely 
attend immediate emancipation in localities where 
their numbers are very great; and it gives the inspir- 
ing assurance that their posterity shall be free for- 
ever. The plan leaves to each state, choosing to act 
under it, to abolish slavery now or at the end of the 
century, or at any intermediate time, or by degrees, ex- 
tending over the whole or any part of the period; 
and it obliges no two states to proceed alike. 

It also provides for compensation, and generally, 
the mode of making it. . This, it would seem, must 
further mitigate the dissatisfaction of those who favor 
perpetual slavery, and especially of those who are to 
receive the compensation. Doubtless some of those 
who are to pay, and not to receive, will object. Yet 
the measure is both just and economical. In a cer- 
tain sense, the liberation of slaves is the destruction 
of property — property acquired by descent, or by pur- 
chase, the same as any other property. 

It is no less true for having been often said, that 
the people of the South are not more responsible for 
the original introduction of this property than are the 
people of the North ; and when it is remembered how 
unhesitatingly we all use cotton and sugar, and share 
the profits of dealing in them, it may not be quite safe 
to say that the South has been more responsible than 
the North for its continuance. 

If, then, for a common object, this property is to 



230 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 

be sacrificed, is it not just that it be clone at a com- 
mon charge ? 

And if, with less money, or money more easily paid, 
we can preserve the benefits of the Union by this 
means than we can by the war alone, is it not also 
economical to do it? Let us consider it then. Let 
us ascertain the sum we have expended in the war 
since compensated emancipation was proposed last 
March, and consider whether, if that measure had 
been promptly accepted, by even some of the slave 
states, the same sum would not have done more to 
close the war than has been otherwise done. If so, 
the measure would save money, and, in that view, 
would be a prudent and economical measure. Cer- 
tainly it is not so easy to pay something as it is to \K\y 
nothing — but it is easier to pay a large sum than it is to 
pay a larger one. And it is easier to pay any sum when 
we are able, than it is to pay it before we are able. 
The war requires large sums, and requires them at 
once. The aggregate sum necessary for compensated 
emancipation, of course, would be large. But it would 
require no ready cash, nor the bonds even, any faster 
than the emancipation progresses. This might not, 
and probably would not, close before the end of the 
thirty-seven years. 

At that time we shall probably have a hundred mil- 
lion people to share the burden instead of thirty-one 
millions as now. And not only so, but the increase 
of our population may be expected to continue for a 
long time after that period as rapidly as before; be- 
cause our territory will not have become full. I do 
not state this inconsiderately. At the same ratio of 



PEN AND VOICE. 231 

increase which we have maintained, on an average, 
from our tirst national census in 1700, until that of 
1860, we should, in 1000, have a population of 103,- 
208,415. And why may we not continue that ratio 
far beyond that period? Our abundant room — our 
broad national homestead — is our ample resource. 
Were our territory as limited as are the British Isles, 
very certainly our population could not expand as 
stated. Instead of receiving the foreign born, as 
now, we should be compelled to send part of the na- 
tive born away. 

But such is not our condition. We have two mil- 
lion nine hundred and sixty-three thousand square 
miles. Europe has three million ami eight hundred 
thousand, with a population averaging seventy-three 
and one-third persons to the square mile. Why may 
not our country, at some time, average as many? Is 
it less fertile? Has it more waste surface by moun- 
tains, rivers, lakes, deserts, or other causes? Is it in- 
ferior to Europe in any natural advantage? If then 
we are at sometime to be as populous as Europe, how 
soon? As to when this may be, we can judge by the 
past and the present; as to when it will be, if ever, 
depends much on whether we maintain the Union. 

The proposed emancipation would shorten the war, 
perpetuate peace, insure this increase of population, 
and proportionately the wealth of the country. With 
these, we should pay all the emancipation would cost, 
together with our other debt, easier than we should 
pay our other debt without it. If we had allowed 
our old national debt to run at six per cent, per an- 
num, simple interest, from the end of our revolution- 



232 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 

ary struggle until to-day, without paying any thing 
on either principal or interest, each man of us would 
owe less upon that debt now, than each man owed upon 
it then ; and this Because our increase of men through 
our whole period has been greater than six per cent., 
has run faster than the interest upon the debt. Thus, 
time alone relieves a debtor nation, so long as its 
population increases faster than its unpaid interest 
accumulates on its debt. 

This fact would be no excuse for delaying payment 
of what is justly due, but, it shows the great import- 
ance of time in this connection — the great advantage 
of a policy by which we shall not have to pay until 
we number a hundred million, what, by a different 
policy, we would have to pay now, when we number 
but thirty-one millions. In a word, it shows that a 
dollar will be much harder to pay for the war than 
will be a dollar for emancipation on the proposed 
plan. And then the latter will cost no blood, no 
precious life. It will be a saving of both. 

As to the second article, I think it would be im- 
practicable to return to bondage the class of persons 
therein contemplated. Some of them, doubtless, in 
the property sense, belong to loyal owners, and hence 
provision is made in this article for compensating 
such. 

The third article relates to the future of the freed 
people. It does not oblige, but merely authorizes, 
Congress to aid in colonizing such as may consent. 
This ought not to be regarded as objectionable on the 
one hand or on the other, insomuch as it comes to 
nothing, unless by the mutual consent of the people 



PEN AND VOICE. 233 

to be deported, and the American voters, through 
their representatives in Congress. 

I can not make it better known than it already is, 
that I strongly favor colonization. And yet I wish 
to say there is an objection urged against free colored 
persons remaining in the country whieh is largely 
imaginary, if not some times malicious. 

It is insisted that their presence would injure and 
despoil white labor and white laborers. If there ever 
could be a proper time for mere catch arguments, 
that time surely is not now. 

In times like the present, men should utter nothing 
tor which they would not willingly be responsible 
through time and eternity. Is it true, then, that 
colored people can displace any more white labor by 
being free than by remaining slaves ? If they stay 
in their old places, they jostle no white laborers; if 
they leave their old places, they leave them open to 
white laborers. Logically, there is neither more or 
less of it. Emancipation, even without deportation, 
would probably enhance the wages of white labor, 
and very surely would not reduce them. Thus, the 
customary amount of labor would still have to be 
performed. 

The freed people would surely not do more than 
their old proportion of it, and, very probably, for a 
time would do less, leaving an increased part to white 
laborers, bring their labor into greater demand, and 
consequently enhancing the wages of it. With de- 
portation, even to a limited extent, enhanced wages 
to white labor is mathematically certain. Labor is 
like any other commodity in the market — increase 
20 



234 ABRAHAM LINCOLN S 

the demand for it and you increase the price of it. 
Reduce the supply of black labor by colonizing the 
black labor out of the country, and by precisely so 
much you increase the demand for and wages of 
white labor. 

But it is dreaded that the freed people will swarm 
forth, and cover the whole land. Are they not 
already in the land? Will liberation make them any 
more numerous? Equally distributed among the 
whites of the whole country, and there would be but 
one colored to seven whites. Could the one, in any 
way, greatly disturb the seven ? There are many 
communities now, having more than one freed col- 
ored person to seven whites ; and this, without any 
apparent consciousness of evil from it. The District 
of Columbia, and the states of Maryland and Dela- 
ware, are all in this condition. The district has 
more than one free colored to six whites ; and yet, in 
its frequent petitions to Congress, I believe it has 
never presented the presence of free colored persons 
as one of its grievances. But why should emancipa- 
tion south send the freed people north ? People, of 
any color, seldom run, unless there be something to 
run from. Heretofore, colored people, to some extent, 
have fled north from bondage, and now, perhaps, 
from both bondage and destitution. But if gradual 
emancipation and deportation be adopted, they will 
have neither to flee from. Their old masters will 
give them wages, at least until new laborers can be 
procured ; and the freed men, in turn, will gladly 
give their labor for the wages, till new homes can be 
found for them, in congenial climes, and with people 



PEN AND VOICE. 235 

of their own blood and race. This proposition can 
be trusted on the mutual interests involved. And, in 
any event, can not the north decide for itself whether 
to receive them ? 

Again, as practice proves more than theory, in any 
case, has there been any irruption of colored people 
northward because of the abolishment of slavery in 
this district last spring? 

What I have said of the proportion of free colored 
persons to the whites in the district is from the cen- 
sus of 1860, having no reference to persons called 
contrabands, nor to those made free by the act of 
Congress abolishing slavery here. 

The plan consisting of these articles is recom- 
mended, not but that a restoration of the national 
authority would be accepted without its adoption. 

Nor will the war, nor proceedings under the proc- 
lamation of September 22, 1862, be stayed because of 
the recommendation of this plan. Its timely adoption, 
I doubt not, would bring restoration, and thereby 
stay both. 

And, notwithstanding this plan, the recommenda- 
tion that Congress provide by law for compensating 
any state which may adopt emancipation before this 
plan shall have been acted upon, is hereby earnestly 
renewed. Such would be only an advance part of 
the plan, and the same arguments apply to both. 

This plan is recommended as a means, not in ex- 
clusion of but additional to all others for restoring 
and preserving the national authority throughout the 
Union. The subject is presented exclusively in its 
economical aspect. The plan would, I am confident, 



236 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 

secure peace more speedily, and maintain it more 
permanently, than can be done by force alone ; while 
all it would cost, considering amounts, and manner of 
payment, and times of payment, would be easier paid 
than will be the additional cost of the war, if we rely 
solely upon force. It is much, very much, that it 
would cost no blood at all. 

The plan is proposed as permanent constitutional 
law. It can not become such without the concurrence 
of, first, two-thirds of Congress, and afterward, 
three-fourths of the states. The requisite three- 
fourths of the states will necessarily include seven of 
the slave states. Their concurrence, if obtained, will 
give assurance of their severally adopting emancipa- 
tion at no very distant day upon the new constitu- 
tional terms. This assurance would end the struggle 
now, and save the Union forever. 

I do not forget the gravity which should character- 
ize a paper addressed to the Congress of the nation 
by the chief magistrate of the nation. Nor do I 
forget that some of you are my seniors, nor that 
many of you have more experience than I in the 
conduct of public affairs. Yet I trust that in view of 
the great responsibility resting upon me, you will 
perceive no want of respect to yourselves in any 
undue earnestness I may seem to display. 

Is it doubted, then, that the plan I propose, if 
adopted, would shorten the war, and thus lessen its 
expenditure of money and of blood? Is it doubted 
that it would restore the national authority and 
national prosperity, and perpetuate both indefinitely ? 
Is it doubted that we here — Congress and Executive 



PEN AXD VOICE. 237 

— can secure its adoption ? Will not the good people 
respond to a united and earnest appeal from us? Can 
we, can they, by any other means, so certainly or so 
speedily assure these vital objects? We can succeed 
only by concert. It is not " can any of us imagine 
better," but "can we all do better?" Object what- 
soever is possible, still the question recurs, " can we 
do better? The dogmas of the quiet past are inade- 
quate to the stormy present. The occasion is piled 
high with difficulty, and we must rise with the occa- 
sion. As our ease is new, so we must think anew 
and act anew. We must disenthrall ourselves, and 
then we shall save our country. 

Fellow Citizens, we can not escape history. We 
of this Congress and this administration, will be re- 
membered in spite of ourselves. No personal signifi- 
cance, or insignificance, can spare one or another of 
ns. The fiery trial through which we pass will light 
us down, in honor or dishonor, to the latest genera- 
tion. We say we are for the Union. The world will 
not forget that we say this. We know how to save 
the Union. The world knows we do know how to 
save it. We — even ire here — hold the power and bear 
the responsibility. In giving freedom to the slave we 
assure freedom to the free — honorable alike in what 
we give and what we preserve. We shall nobly save, 
or meanly lose, the last best hope of earth. Other 
means may succeed ; this could not fail. The way is 
plain, peaceful, generous, just — a way which, if fol- 
lowed, the world will forever applaud, and God must 
forever bless. A. Lincoln. 



238 abraham lincoln's 

Letter to Mr. Wood, December 12, 18(32. 

My Bear Sir: — Your letter of the 8th, with the ac- 
companying note of same date, was received yester- 
day. 

The most important paragraph in the letter, as I 
consider, is in these words: " On the 26th of Novem- 
her last I was advised hy an authority which I 
deemed likely to be well informed, as well as reliable 
and truthful that the Southern states would send 
representatives to the next Congress, provided that a 
full and general amnesty should permit them to do 
so. No guarantee or terms were asked for other 
than the amnesty referred to." 

I strongly suspect your information will prove to 
be groundless; nevertheless, I thank you for commu- 
nicating it to me. Understanding the phrase m the 
paragraph above quoted — " the Southern states would 
send representatives to the next Congress " — to be 
substantially the same as that "the people of the 
Southern states would cease resistance, and would in- 
augurate, submit to, and maintain the national au- 
thority within the limits of such states, under the 
Constitution of the United States," I say that in such 
case the war would cease on the part of the United 
States, and that if, within a reasonable time, " a full 
and general amnesty" were necessary to such end, it 
would not be withheld. 

I do not think it would be proper now to commu- 
nicate this, formally or informally, to the people of. 
the Southern states. My belief is that they already 
know it, and when they choose, if ever, they can 



PEN AND VOICE. 239 

communicate with me unequivocally. Nor do T think 
it proper now to suspend military operations to try 
any experiment of negotiation. 

I should, nevertheless, receive with great pleasure 
the exact information you now have, and also such 
other as you may in any way obtain. Such informa- 
tion might be more valuable before the 1st of Janu- 
ary than afterward. 

While there is nothing in this letter which I shall 
dread to see in history, it is perhaps better for the 
present that its existence should not become public. 
I therefore have to request that you will regard it as 
confidential. Your obedient servant, 

A. Lincoln. 

Address to the Army of the Potomac, December 22, 

1862. 

I have just read your commanding general's pre- 
liminary report of the battle of Fredericksburg. 
Although you were not successful, the attempt was 
not an error, nor the failure other than an accident. 

The courage with which you, in an open field, 
maintained the contest against an intrenched foe, and 
the consummate skill and success with which you 
crossed and re-crossed the river in the face of the 
enemy, show that you possess all the qualities of a 
great army, which will yet give victory to the cause 
of the country and of popular government. 

Condoling with the mourners for the dead, and 
sympathizing with the severely wounded, I congratu- 
late you that the number of both is comparatively so 



240 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 

small. I tender to you, officers and soldiers, the 
thanks of a nation. A. Lincoln. 

Final Emancipation Proclamation, January 1, 1863. 

Whereas, on the twenty-second day of September, 
in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred 
and sixty-two, a proclamation was issued by the 
President of the United States, containing, among 
other things, the following, to wit: 

" That on the first day of January, in the year of our 
Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-three, all 
persons held as slaves within any state, or designated 
part of state, the people whereof shall then be in 
rebellion against the United States, shall be then, 
thenceforward, and forever free ; and the Executive 
Government of the United States, including the mili- 
tary and naval authority thereof, will recognize and 
maintain the freedom of such persons, and will do no 
act or acts to suppress such persons, or any of them, 
in any efforts they may make for their actual free- 
dom. 

" That the Executive will, on the first day of Janu- 
ary aforesaid, by proclamation, designate the states, 
and parts of states, if any, in which the people 
thereof respectively shall then be in rebellion against 
the United States ; and the fact that any state or the 
people thereof shall on that day be in good faith rep- 
resented in the Congress of the United States, by 
members chosen thereto at election wherein a major- 
ity of the qualified voters of such state shall have 
participated, shall, in the absence of strong counter- 
vailing testimony, be deemed conclusive evidence 



PEN AND VOICE. 241 

that such state, and the people thereof, are not then 
in rebellion against the United States." 

Now, therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, President of 
the United States, by virtue of the power in me 
vested as commander-in-chief of the army and navy 
of the United States in time of actual armed rebel- 
lion against the authority and government of the 
United States, and as a fit and necessary war meas- 
ure for suppressing said rebellion, do, on the first day 
of January, in the year of our Lord one thousand 
eight' hundred and sixty-three, and in accordance 
with my purpose so to do, publicly proclaimed for 
the full period of one hundred days from the day 
first above mentioned, order and designate, as the 
states and parts of states wherein the people thereof 
respectively are this day in rebellion against the 
United States the following, to wit: Arkansas, 
Texas, Louisiana (except the parishes of St. Bernard, 
Plaquemine, Jefferson, St. John, St. Charles, St. 
James, Ascension, Assumption, Terre Bonne, La- 
fourche, St. Marie, St. Martin, and Orleans, including 
the city of New Orleans), Mississippi, Alabama, Flor- 
ida, Georgia, South Carolina, North Carolina, and Vir- 
ginia (except the forty-eight counties designated as 
West Virginia, and also the counties of Berkely, Ac- 
coniac, Northampton, Elizabeth City, York, Princess 
Anne, and Norfolk, including the cities of Norfolk and 
Portsmouth), and which excepted parts are for the 
present left precisely as if this proclamation were not 
issued. And, by virtue of the power and for the pur- 
pose aforesaid, I do order and declare that all persons 
21 



242 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 

held as slaves within said designated states and parts 
of states, are, and henceforward shall be free ; and that 
the executive government of the United States, in- 
cluding the military and naval authorities thereof, 
will recognize and maintain the freedom of said per- 
sons. And I hereby enjoin upon the people so de- 
clared to be free, to abstain from all violence, unless 
in necessary self-defense ; and I recommend to them, 
that in all cases, when allowed, they labor faithfully for 
reasonable wages. And I further declare and make 
known that such persons of suitable condition will 
be received into the armed service of the United 
States, to garrison forts, positions, stations, and other 
places, and to man vessels of all sorts in said service. 
And upon this act, sincerely believed to be an act of 
justice, warranted by the Constitution, upon military 
necessity, I invoke the considerate judgment of man- 
kind and the gracious favor of Almighty God. 

In testimony whereof I have hereunto set my 
name, and caused the seal of the United States to be 
affixed. 

Done at the city of Washington this first day of 
January, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight 
hundred and sixty-three, and of the independence of 
the United States the eighty-seventh. 

Abraham Lincoln. 

Letter to Major-General Curtis, January 2, 1863. 
My Dear Sir: — Tours of December 29th, by the 
hand of Mr. Strong, is just received. The day I tele- 
graphed you suspending the order in relation to Dr. 
McPheeters, he, with Mr. Bates, the attorney-general, 



PEN AND VOICE. 243 

appeared before me and left with me a copy of the 
order mentioned. The doctor also showed me the 
copy of an oath which he said he had taken, which 
is indeed very strong and specific. He also verbally 
assured me that he had constantly prayed in church 
for the president and government, as he had always 
done before the present war. In looking over the 
recitals in your order, I do not see that this matter 
of the prayer, as he states it, is negatived; nor that 
any violation of his oath is charged, nor in fact 
that any thing specific is alleged against him. The 
charges are all general, that he has a rebel wife, and 
rebel relations; that he sympathises with rebels, and 
that he exercises rebel influence. Kow after talking 
with him, I tell you frankly, I believe he docs sym- 
pathize with the rebels ; but the question remains 
whether such a man of unquestioned good moral 
character, who has taken such an oath as lie has, and 
can not even be charged of violating it, and who can 
be charged with no other specific act or omission, 
can, with safety to this government, be exiled upon 
the suspicion of his secret sympathies. But I agree 
that this must be left to yon who are on the 
spot; and if, after all, you think the public good re- 
quires his removal, my suspension of the order is 
withdrawn, only with this qualification, that the time 
during the suspension is not to be counted against' 
him. T have promised him this. 

But I must add that the United States Government 
must not, as by this order, undertake to run the 
churches. When an individual in a church, or out 
of it, becomes dangerous to the public interest, he 



244 ABRAHAM LINCOLN^ 

must be checked ; but let the churches, as such, take 
care of themselves. 

It will not do for the United States to appoint 
trustees, supervisors, or other agents for the churches. 
Yours very truly, A. Lincoln. 

To General Burnside. 

January 8, 1863. 
I understand General Halleck has sent you a letter 
of which this is a copy. I deplore the want of con- 
currence with you in opinion by your general officers, 
but I do not see the remedy. Be cautious, and do 
not understand that the government or country is 
driving you. I do not yet see how 1 could profit by 
changing the command of the Army of the Potomac, 
and if I did, I should not wish to do it. by accepting 
the resignation of your commission. A. Lincoln. 

Message to Congress, January 19, 1863. 

I have signed the joint resolution to provide for 
the immediate payment of the army and navy of the 
United States, passed by the House of Representatives 
on the 14th, and by the Senate on the 15th inst. The 
joint resolution is a simple authority amounting, how- 
ever, under the existing circumstances, to a direction 
to the Secretary of the Treasury to make an additional 
issue of $100,000,000 United States notes, if so much 
money is needed tor the payment of the army and 
navy. My approval is given in order that every pos- 
sible facility may be afforded for the prompt discharge 
of all arrears in pay due to our soldiers and our sailors. 

While giving this approval, however, I think it my 



PEN AND VOICE. 245 

duty to express my sincere regret that it has been 
found necessary to authorize so large an additional 
issue of United States notes, when this circulation and 
that of the suspended banks together have become 
already so redundant as to increase prices beyond real 
values, thereby augmenting the cost of living, to the 
injury of labor, and the cost of supplying to the injury 
of the whole country. 

It seems very plain that continued issues of United 
States notes without any check to the issues of sus- 
pended banks, and without adequate provision for the 
raising of money by loans, and for funding the issues 
so as to keep them within due limits, might soon pro- 
duce disastrous consequences, and this matter appears 
to me so important that I feel bound to avail myself 
of this occasion to ask the special attention of Con- 
gress to it. That Congress has power to regulate the 
currency of the country can hardly admit of doubt, 
and that a judicious measure to prevent the deterio- 
ration of this currency by a reasonable taxation of 
bank circulation or otherwise is needed, seems equally 
clear. Independent of this general consideration, it 
would be unjust to the people at large to exempt 
banks enjoying the special privilege of circulation, 
from their just proportion of the public burdens. In 
order to raise money by way of loans most easily, and 
cheaply, it is clearly necessary to give every possible 
support to the public credit. To that end a uniform 
currency, in which taxes, subscriptions, loans, and all 
other ordinary public dues may be paid, is almost, if 
not quite indispensable. 

Such a currency can be furnished by banks and 



24<! ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 

associations authorized under a general act of Con- 
gress, as suggested in my message at the beginning of 
the present session. The securing of this circulation 
by the pledge of the United States bonds, as herein 
suggested, would still further facilitate loans by in- 
creasing the present, and causing a future demand for 
such bonds. In view of the actual financial embarrass- 
ments of the government, and of the greater embar- 
rassments sure to come, if the necessary means of re- 
lief be not afforded, I feel that I should not perform 
my duty by a simple announcement of my approvaL 
of the joint resolution, which proposes relief only by 
increasing the circulation, without expressing my 
earnest desire that measures, such in substance as 
those I have just referred to, may receive the early 
sanction of Congress. By such measures, in my 
opinion, will payment be most certainly secured, not 
only to the army and navy, but to honest creditors of 
the government, and satisfactory provisions made for 
future demands on the treasury. A. Lincoln. 

Approval of Court Martial Proceedings. 

January 21, 1863. 
The foregoing proceedings, findings, and sentence in the 
foregoing case of Major- General Fitz John Porter are 
approved and confirmed, and it is ordered that the said 
Fitz John Porter be, and he hereby is, cashiered and 
dismissed from the service of the United States as a 
Major-General of volunteers, and as Colonel and 
Brevet Brigadier-General in the regular service of the 
United States, and forever disqualified from holding 



PEN AND VOICE. 247 

any office of trust or profit under the Government of 
the United States. Abraham Lincoln. 

To Major-General Hooker. 
Executive Mansion, Washington, D. C, Jan. 26, 1863. 
General:— I have placed 3011 at the head of the 
Army of the Potomac. Of course I have done 
this upon what appears to me to be sufficient 
reasons; and yet I think it best for you to know 
that there are some things in regard to which 
I am not quite satisfied with you. I believe you to 
be a brave and skillful soldier— which, of course, I 
like. I also believe you do not mix politics with your 
profession— in which you are light, You have con- 
fidence in yourself— which is a valuable, if not an in- 
dispensable quality. You are ambitious— which, 
within reasonable bounds, does good rather than 
harm; but I think that, during General Burnside's 
command of the army, you have taken counsel of 
your ambition and thwarted him as much as you 
could, in which you did a great wrong to the country, 
and to a most meritorious and honorable brother 
officer. I have heard, in such way as to believe it, of 
your recently saying that both the army and the gov- 
ernment needed a dictator. Of course, it was not for 
this, but in spite of it, that I have given you the com- 
mand. Only those generals who gain successes can 
set up dictators. What I now ask of you is military 
success, and I will risk the dictatorship. The govern- 
ment will support you to the utmost of its ability — 
which is neither more nor less than it has done and 
will do for all commanders. I much fear that the 



248 Abraham Lincoln's 

spirit which you have aided to infuse into the army, 
of criticising their commander and withholding con- 
fidence from him, will now turn upon you. 

I shall assist you as far as I can to put it down. 
Neither you nor Napoleon, if he were alive again, 
could get any good out of an army while such a spirit 
prevails in it. And now, beware of rashness. Beware 
of rashness, but, with energy and sleepless viligance, 
go forward and give us victories. Yours, very truly. 

A. Lincoln. 

Letter to the Workingmen of Manchester, Eng., 
Feb. 9, 1863. 

I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of 
the address and resolutions which you sent me on 
the eve of the New Year. When I came, on the 4th of 
March, 1861, through a free and constitutional election, 
to preside in the Government of the United States, 
the country was found at the verge of civil war. 
"Whatever might have been the cause, or whosoever 
at fault, one duty, paramount to all others, was be- 
fore me, namely, to maintain and preserve at once 
the Constitution and the integrity of the Federal 
Republic. A conscientious purpose to perform this 
duty is the key to all the measures of administration 
which have been and to all which will hereafter be 
pursued. Under our form of government, and my 
official oath, I could not depart from the purpose if 
I would. It is not always in the power of govern- 
ments to enlarge or restrict the scope of moral re- 
sults which follow the politics that they may deem it 



PEN AND VOICE. 24!> 

necessary for the public safety from time to time to 
adopt. 

I have understood well that the duty of self- 
preservation rests solely with the American people. 
But I have at the same time been aware that favor 
or disfavor of foreign nations might have a material 
influence in enlarging and prolonging the struggle 
with disloyal men in which the country is engaged. 
A fair examination of history has seemed to authorize 
a belief that the past action and influence of the 
United States were generally regarded as having 
been beneficial toward mankind. I have therefore 
reckoned upon the forbearance of nations. 

Circumstances — to some of which you kindly al- 
lude — induced me especially to expect that, if justice 
and good faith should be practiced by the United 
States, they would encounter no hostile influences on 
the part of Great Britain. It is now a pleasant duty 
to acknowledge the demonstration you have given to 
your desire that a spirit of peace and amity toward 
this country may prevail in the councils of your 
queen, who is respected and esteemed in your own 
country no more than she is by the kindred nation 
which has its home on this side of the Atlantic. I 
know and deeply deplore the sufferings which the 
workmen at Manchester and in all Europe are called 
to endure in this crisis. It has been often and stu- 
diously represented that the attempt to overthrow 
this government, which was built upon the founda- 
tion of human rights, and to substitute for it one 
which should rest e\"clusively on the basis of human 
slavery, was likely to obtain the favor of Europe. 



250 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 

Through the action of our disloyal citizens, the 
workingmen of Europe have been subjected to se- 
vere trial, for the purpose of forcing their sanction 
to that attempt. Under these circumstances, I can 
not but regard your decisive utterances upon the 
question as an instance of sublime Christian heroism, 
which has not been surpassed in any age or in any 
country. It is indeed an energetic and re-inspiring 
assurance of the inherent power of truth, and of the 
ultimate and universal triumph of justice, humanity, 
and freedom. And I do not doubt that the senti- 
ments you have expressed will be sustained by your 
great nation. And, on the other hand, I have no 
hesitation in assuring you that they will incite ad- 
miration, esteem, and the other reciprocal feelings of 
friendship among the American people. I hail this 
interchange of sentiment, therefore, as an augury 
that whatever else may happen, whatever misfortune 
may befall your country or my own, the peace and 
friendship which now exist between the two nations 
will be, as it shall be my desire to make them, per- 
petual. Abraham Lincoln. 

To Rev. Alexander Reed. 
Executive Mansion, February 22, 1863. 
My Dear Sir: — Your note, by which you, as gen- 
eral superintendent of the U. S. Christian Commis- 
sion, invite me to preside at a meeting to be held this 
day, at the hall of the House of Representatives in 
the city, is received. 

"While, for reasons which I deem sufficient, I must 



PEN AND VOICE. 251 

decline to preside, I can not withhold my approval 
of the meeting and its worthy objects. 

Whatever shall be, sincerely and in God's name, 
devised for the good of the soldiers and seamen in 
their hard spheres of duty, can scarcely fail to be 
blessed ; and whatever shall tend to turn our thoughts 
from the unreasoning and uncharitable passions, 
prejudices, and jealousies incident to a great national 
trouble such as ours, and to fix them on the vast and 
long enduring consequences, for weal or for woe, 
which are to result from the struggle, and especially 
to strengthen our reliance on the Supreme Being for 
the final triumph of the right, can not but be well 
for us all. 

The birthday of AVashington and the Christian 
Sabbath coinciding this year, and suggesting together 
the highest interests of this life and of that to come, 
is most propitious for the meeting proposed. 

Yours obedient servant, A. Lincoln. 

Reply Regarding Thomas W. Knox, Correspondent 
N". Y. Herald. 
Executive Mansion, Washington, May 20, 1863. 
To whom it may concern: — Whereas, it appears to 
my satisfaction that Thomas W. Knox, a correspond- 
ent of the New York Herald, has been, by the sen- 
tence of a court-martial, excluded from the military 
department under command of Major-General Grant, 
and also that General Thayer, president of the court- 
martial which rendered the sentence, and Major- 
General McClernand, in command of a corps of that 
department, and many other respectable persons, are 



252 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 

of opinion that Mr. Knox's offense was technical 
rather than willfully wrong, and that the sentence 
should be revoked ; now therefore said sentence is 
hereby so far revoked as to allow Mr. Knox to return 
to General Grant's head-quarters, and to remain if 
General Grant shall not refuse such assent, 

A. Lincoln. 

Internal and Coastwise Intercourse, by the Presi- 
dent of the United States of America. 

Proclamation, March 31, 1863. 
Whereas, in pursuance of the act of Congress, ap- 
proved July 13, 1861, I did by proclamation, dated 
August 16, 1861, declare that the inhabitants of the 
States of Georgia, South Carolina, Virginia, North 
Carolina, Tennessee, Alabama, Louisiana, Texas, 
Arkansas, Mississippi, and Florida (except the inhab- 
itants of that part of Virginia lying west of the 
Alleghany Mountains, and of such other parts of 
that state, and the other states hereinbefore named, 
as might maintain a loyal adhesion to the Union and 
the constitution, or might be from time to time 
occupied and controlled by forces of the United 
States engaged in the dispersion of said insurgents) 
were in a state of insurrection against the United 
States, and that all commercial intercourse between 
the same and the inhabitants thereof, with the excep- 
tions aforesaid, and the citizens of other states and 
other parts of the United States w T as unlawful, and 
would remain unlawful until such insurrection should 
cease or be suppressed, and that all goods and chat- 



PEN AND VOICE. 253 

tels, wares and merchandise, coming from any of 
said states, with the exceptions aforesaid, into other 
parts of the United States, without the license and 
permission of the President, through the Secretary 
of the Treasury, or proceeding to any of said states, 
with the exceptions aforesaid, hy land or water, to- 
gether with the vessel or vehicle conveying the same 
to or from said states, with the exceptions aforesaid, 
would he forfeited to the United States. 

And, whereas, experience has shown that the ex- 
ceptions made in and hy said proclamation embarrass 
the due enforcement of said act of July 13, 1861, and 
the proper regulation of the commercial intercourse 
authorized by said act with the loyal citizens of said 
states — 

Now, therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, President of 
the United States, do hereby revoke the said excep- 
tions, and declare that the inhabitants of the States of 
Georgia, South Carolina, North Carolina, Tennessee, 
Alabama, Louisiana, Texas, Arkansas, Mississippi, 
Florida, and Virginia (except the forty-eight coun- 
ties of Virginia designated as West Virginia, and 
except also the ports of New Orleans, Key West, 
Port Royal, and Beaufort in North Carolina) are in 
a state of insurrection against the United States, 
and that all commercial intercourse, not licensed and 
conducted as provided in said act, between the said 
states and the inhabitants thereof, with the exceptions 
aforesaid, and the citizens of other states and other 
parts of the United States, is unlawful, and will re- 
»main unlawful until such insurrection shall cease or 
has been suppressed, and notice thereof has been 



254 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 

duly given by proclamation; and all cotton, tobacco, 
and other products, and all other goods and chattels, 
wares, and merchandise coming from said states, 
with the exceptions aforesaid, into other parts of 
the United States, or proceeding to any of said states, 
with the exceptions aforesaid, without the license or 
permission of the President, through the Secretary of 
the Treasury, will, together with the vessel or vehicle 
conveying the same, be forfeited to the United States. 
In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my 
hand and caused the seal of the United States to be 
affixed. Done at the City of Washington, this 81st 
day of March, a. d. 1863, and of the independence of 
the United States of America the eighty-seventh. 

A. Lincoln. 

To General Hunter and Admiral Dupont. 
Executive Mansion, Washington, April 14, 1863. 

This is intended to clear up an apparent inconsist- 
ency between the recent order to continue operations 
before Charleston and the former one to remove to 
another point in a certain emergency. No censure 
upon you or either of you is intended. 

We still hope that by cordial and judicious co- 
operation you can take the batteries on Morris Island 
and Sullivan's Island and Fort Sumter. But whether 
you can or not, we wish the demonstration kept up 
for a time for a collateral and very important object. 
We wish the attempt to be a real one (though not a 
desperate one), if it affords any considerable chance 
of success. But if prosecuted as a demonstration* 
only this must not become public, or the whole effect 



PEN AND VOICE. 255 

will be lost. Once again before Charleston do not 
leave till further orders from here. Of eourse this 
is not intended to force you to leave unduly ex- 
posed Hilton's Head or other near points in your 
charge. Yours, truly, A. Lincoln. 

To Major-General Hooker. 
Executive Mansion, Washington, April 15, 1863. 
It is now 10:15 p. m. An hour ago I received your 
letter of this morning, and a few minutes later your 
dispatch of this evening. The later gives me con- 
siderable uneasiness. The rain and mud, of course, 
were to be calculated upon. General S. is not mov- 
ing rapidly enough to make the expedition come to 
any thing. He has now been out three days, two of 
Which were unusually fair weather, and all three 
without hindrance from the enemy, and yet he is 
not twenty-live miles from where he started. To 
reach his point he has still sixty to go, another river 
(the Rapidan) to cross, and will be hindered by the 
enemy. By arithmetic, how many days will it take 
him to do it? I do not know that any better can lie 
done, but I greatly fear it is another failure already. 
Write me often. I am very anxious. 

Yours, truly, A. Lincoln. 

To Governor Curtin, Harrisburg, Pa. 

Executive 31ansion, May 1, 1863. 
The whole disposable force at Baltimore and else- 
where in reach have already been sent after the en- 
emy which alarms you. The worst thing the enemy 
could do for himself would be to weaken himself be- 



256 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 

fore Hooker, and therefore it is safe to believe he is 
not doing it, and the best thing he could do for him- 
self would he to get us so seared as to bring part of 
Hooker's force away, and that is just what he is try- 
ing to do. 

I will telegraph you in the morning about calling 
out the militia. A. Lincoln. 

To Governor Curtin, Harrlsrurg, Pa. 

Executive Mansion, May 2,1863. 

General Halleek tells me that he has a dispatch 
from General Schenck this morning informing him 
that oui 1 forces have joined, and that the enemy 
menacing Pennsylvania will have to fight or run to- 
day. I hope I am not less anxious to do my duty to 
Pennsylvania than yourself, but I really do not yet 
"See the justification for incurring the trouble and ex- 
pense of calling out the militia. I shall keep watch 
and try to do my duty. A. Lincoln. 

I*. S. — Our forces are exactly between the enemy 
and Pennsylvania. 

To General Hooker. 
Washington, D. C.^May 6, 1863, 12:30 P. 31. 
Just as I had telegraphed you contents of Rich- 
mond papers, showing that our cavalry has not failed, 
I received General Butterfield's of 11 a. m. yesterday. 
This, with the great rain of yesterday and last night, 
securing your right flank, I think, puts a new phase 
upon your ease, but you must be the judge. 

A. Lincoln, 



PEN AND VOICE. 257 

To Major-General Hooker. 
Washington, D. C, May 6, 1863, 12:25 P. M. 
We have, through General Dix, the contents of 
Richmond paper of the 5th. General Dix's dispatch 
in full is going to you, by Captain Fox, of the navy. 
The substance is General Lee's dispatch of the 3d 
(Sunday), claiming that he had beaten you, and that 
you were then retreating across the Rappahannock, 
distinctly stating that two of Longstreet's divisions 
fought you on Saturday, and that General (E. F.) 
Paxtoh was killed, Stonewall Jackson severely 
wounded, and Generals Heth and A. P. Hill slightly 
wounded. The Richmond papers also stated, upon 
what authority not mentioned, that our cavalry have 
been at Ashland, Hanover Court-House, and other 
points, destroying several locomotives and a good 
deal of other property, and all the railroad bridges 
to within five miles of Richmond. A. Lincoln. 

To Major-General Hooker. 

Head-quarters Army of the Potomac, May 7, 1863. 

My Dear Sir: — The recent movement of your army 
is ended without effecting its object, except, perhaps, 
some important breakings of the enemy's communi- 
cations. What next? If possible, 1 would be very 
glad of another movement early enough to give us 
some benefit from the fact of the enemy's communi- 
cation being broken ; but neither for this reason nor 
any other do I wish any thing done in desperation or 
rashness. An early movement would also help to 
22 



258 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 

supersede the bad moral etiect of the recent one, 
which is said to be considerably injurious. 

Have you already in your mind a plan wholly or 
partially formed? If you have, prosecute it without 
interference from me. If you have not, please inform 
me, so that I, incompetent as I may be, can try and 
assist in the formation of some plan for the army. 
Yours, as ever, A. Lincoln. 

To General Hooker. 
Washington, 2 P. M., May 8, 1863. 
The news is here of the capture by our forces of 
Grand Gulf, a large and very important thing. General 
Willich, an exchanged prisoner just from Richmond, 
has talked with me this morning. He was there 
when our cavalry cut the roads in that vicinity. He 
says there was not a sound pair of legs in Richmond, 
and that our men, had they known it, could have 
safely gone in and burnt every thing and brought 
Jeff. Davis, captured and paroled three or four hun- 
dred men. He says as he came to City Point there 
was an army three miles long — Longstreet, he 
thought, moving toward Richmond. Milroy has 
captured a dispatch of General Lee, in which he 
says his loss was fearful in his late battle with you. 

A. Lincoln. 

To Major-General Dix. 

War Department, May 9, 1863. 
It is very important for Hooker to know exactly 
what damage is done to the railroads at all points be- 
tween Fredericksburg and Richmond. As yet we have 



PEN AND VOICE. 259 

no word as to whether the crossings of the North and 
South Anna, or any of them, have been touched. 
There are four of these crossings; that is, one on 
each road or each stream. You readily perceive why 
this information is desired. I suppose Kilpatrick or 
Davis can tell. Please ascertain fully what was done, 
and what is the present condition, as near as you can, 
and advise me at once. A. Lincoln. 

To Major-General Hooker. 
Executive Mansion, Washington, May 14, 1863. 
My Dear Sir: — When I wrote on the 7th, I had 
an impression that possibly, by an early move- 
ment, you could get some advantage, from the sup- 
posed facts that the enemy's communications were 
disturbed, and that he was somewhat deranged in 
position. The idea has now passed away, the enemy 
having re-established his communications, regained 
his positions, and actually received reinforcements. 
It does not now appear to me probable that you can 
gain any thing by an early renewal of the attempt to 
cross the Rappahannock. I therefore shall not com- 
plain if you do no more for a time than to keep the 
enemy at bay, and out of other mischief, by menaces 
and occasional cavalry raids, if practicable, and to put 
your own army in good condition again. Still, if, in 
your own clear judgment, you can renew the attack 
successfully, I do not mean to restrain you. Bearing 
upon this last point I must tell you I have some pain- 
ful intimations that some of your corps and division 
commanders are not giving you their entire confi- 
dence. This would be ruinous if true, and you should, 



260 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 

therefore, first of all, ascertain the real facts beyond 
all possibility of doubt. Yours truly, 

A. Lincoln. 

To Major- General Hurlbert, Memphis, Tenn. 
Washington, May 22, 1863. 

We have news here in the Richmond newspapers 
of the 20th and 21st, including a dispatch from Gen- 
eral Joe Johnston himself, that on the 15th or 16th — a 
little confusion as to the day — Grant beat Pemberton 
and (W. W.) Loring near Edwards Station, at the 
end of a nine hours fight, driving Pemberton over the 
Big Black, and cutting Loring off and driving him 
south to Crystal Springs, twenty-five miles below 
Jackson. 

Joe Johnston telegraphed all this, except about 
Loring, from his camp between Brownsville and Lex- 
ington, on the 18th. Another dispatch indicates that 
Grant was moving against Johnston on the 18th. 

A. Lincoln. 

Letter to General J. M. Schofield. 
Executive Mansion, Washington, May 27, 1863. 

Dear Sir: — Having removed General Curtis and 
assigned you to the command of the Department of 
the Missouri, I think it may be of some advantage to 
mo to state to you why I did it. 

I did not remove General Curtis because of my full 
conviction that he had done wrong by commission or 
omission. I did it because of a conviction in my mind 
that the Union men of Missouri, constituting, when 
uniting, a vast majority of the people, have entered 



PEN AND VOICE. 261 

into a pestilent, factious quarrel, among themselves, 
General Curtis, perhaps not of choice, being the 
head of one faction, and Governor Gamble that of the 
other. 

After months of labor to reconcile the difficulty, it 
seemed to grow worse and worse, until 1 felt it my 
duty to break it up some how, and as I could not re- 
move Governor Gamble, I had to remove General 
Curtis. Now that you are in the position, I wish you 
to undo nothing merely because General Curtis or 
Governor Gamble did it, but to exercise your judg- 
ment and do right for the public interest. Let your 
military measures be strong enough to repel the in- 
vaders and keep the peace, and not so strong as to 
unnecessarily harass and persecute the people. It is 
a difficult role, and so much greater will be the honor 
if you perform it well. 

If both factions, or neither, shall abuse you, you will 
probably be about right. Beware of being assailed by 
one and praised by the other. 

Yours truly, A. Lincoln. 

Letter to General Hooker, June 5, 1863. 
Yours of to-day was received an hour ago. So 
much of professional military skill is requisite to an- 
swer it that I turned the task over to General Ilal- 
leck. lie promises to perform it with his utmost 
care. I have but one idea which I think worth sug- 
gesting to you, and that is in case you rind Lee com- 
ing to the north of the Rappahannock, I would by no 
means cross to the south of it. If he should leave a 
rear force at Fredricksburg, tempting you to fall upon 



2fJ2 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 

it, would fight iii intrenchments and have yon at disad- 
vantage, and so man for man worst you at that point, 
while his main force would in some way be getting 
the advantage of you northward. In one word, I 
would not take any risk of being entangled upon the 
river like an ox jumped half over a fence and liahle 
to be torn by dogs front and rear without a fair 
chance to gore one way or kick the other. 

If Lee would come to my side of the river, I would 
keep on the same side and fight him, or act on the 
defensive, according as might he my estimate of his 
strength relatively to my own. But these are mere 
suggestions which I desire to he controlled by the 
judgment of yourself and General Halleek. 

A. Lincoln. 

To Major-General Hooker. 

Washington, D. C, June 10, 18G3. 
Your long dispatch of to-day is just received. If 
left to me, I would not go south of the Rappahannock 
upon Lee's moving north of it. If you had Rich- 
mond invested to-day you would not he able to take 
it in twenty days; meanwhile your communications, 
and with them your army, would be ruined. I think 
Lee's army, and not Richmond, is your objective 
point. If he comes toward the Upper Potomac, fol- 
low on his flank, and on the inside track, shortening 
your lines, while he lengthens his. Fight him, too, 
when opportunity offers. If he stay where he is, 
fret Itiiil ami fret hint. A. LINCOLN. 



PEN AND VOICE. 263 

Reply to New York Democrats, June 12, 18G3. 

Hon. Erastus Corning and others: Gentlemen— ■Tour 
letter of May 19th, inclosing the resolutions of a pub- 
lic meeting held at Albany, N". Y., on the 16th of the 
same month, was received several days ago. 

The resolutions, as I understand them, are resolv- 
able into two propositions — first, the expression of a 
purpose to sustain the cause of the Union, to secure 
peace through victory, and to support the administra- 
tion in every constitutional and lawful measure to 
suppress the rebellion; and, secondly, a declaration 
of censure upon the administration for supposed un- 
constitutional action, such as the making of military 
arrests. And, from the two propositions, a third is 
deduced, which is, that the gentlemen composing the 
meeting are resolved on doing their part to maintain 
our common government and country, despite the 
folly or wickedness, as they may conceive, of any ad- 
ministration. This position is eminently patriotic, 
and, as such, I thank the meeting, and congratulate 
the nation for it. My own purpose is the same, so 
that the meeting and myself have a common object, 
and can have no difference, except in the choice of 
means or measures for effecting that object. 

And here I ought to close this paper, and would 
close it, if there were no apprehension that more in- 
jurious consequences than any merely personal to 
myself might follow the censures systematically cast 
upon me for doing what, in my view of duty, I could 
not forbear. The resolutions promise to support me 
in every constitutional and lawful measure to sup- 



2<U ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 

press the rebellion, and I have not knowingly em- 
ployed, nor shall knowingly employ, any other. But 
the meeting, by their resolutions, assert and argue 
that certain military arrests, and proceedings follow- 
ing them, for which I am ultimately responsible, are 
unconstitutional. I think they are not. The resolu- 
tions quote from the Constitution the definition of 
treason, and also the limiting safeguards and guaran- 
tees therein provided for the citizen on trials of trea- 
son ; and on his being held to answer for capital or 
otherwise infamous crimes; and, in criminal prosecu- 
tions, his right to a speedy and public trial by an 
impartial jury. They proceed to resolve that these 
safeguards of the rights of the citizen against the 
pretensions of arbitrary power were intended more 
especially for his protection in times of civil commo- 
tion. And, apparently to demonstrate the proposi- 
tion, the resolutions proceed: "They were secured 
substantially to the English people after years of pro- 
tracted civil war, and were adopted into our Consti- 
tution at the close of the revolution." Would not the 
demonstration have been better if it could have been 
truly said that these safeguards had been adopted and 
applied during the civil wars and during our revolu- 
tion, instead of after the one and at the close of the 
other? I, too, am devotedly for them after civil war, 
and before civil war, and at all times, "except when, 
in cases of rebellion or invasion, the public safety 
may require" their suspension. 

The resolutions proceed to tell us that these safe- 
guards "have stood the test of seventy-six years of 
trial, under our republican system, under cireum- 



PEN AND VOICE. 265 

stances that show that while they constitute the 
foundation of all free government, they are the ele- 
ments of the enduring stability of the republic." 

No one denies that they have so stood the test up 
to the beginning of the present rebellion, if we ex- 
cept a certain occurrence at New Orleans; nor does 
any one question that they will stand the same test 
much longer after the rebellion closes. But these 
provisions of the Constitution have no application to 
the case we have in hand, because the arrests com- 
plained of were not made for treason — that is, not for 
the treason defined in the Constitution, and upon the 
conviction of which the punishment is death — nor yet 
were they made to hold persons to answer for any 
capital or otherwise infamous crimes; nor were the 
proceedings following, in any constitutional or legal 
sense, " criminal prosecutions." The arrests were 
made on totally different grounds, and the proceed- 
ings following accorded with the grounds of the 
arrest. Let us consider the real case with which we 
are dealing, and apply to it the parts of the Constitu- 
tion plainly made for such cases. Prior to my instal- 
lation here it had been inculcated that any state had 
a lawful right to secede from the National Union, and 
that it would be expedient to exercise the right when- 
ever the devotees of the doctrine should fail to elect 
a president to their own liking. I was elected con- 
trary to their liking, and, accordingly, so far as it 
was legally possible, they had taken seven states out 
of the Union, had seized many of the United States 
forts, and had fired upon the United States flag, all 
23 



2(50 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 

before I was inaugurated; and, of course, before I 
had done any official act whatever. The rebellion 
thus begun, soon ran into the present civil war, and, 
in certain respects, it began on very unequal terms 
between the parties. The insurgents had been pre- 
paring for it more than thirty years, while the gov- 
ernment had taken no steps to resist them. The 
former had carefully considered all the means which 
could be turned to their account. 

It undoubtedly was a well pondered reliance with 
them that in their own unrestricted efforts to destroy 
Union, Constitution, and law, all together, the gov- 
ernment would, in great degree, be restrained by the 
same Constitution and law from arresting their pro- 
gress. Their sympathizers pervaded all departments 
of the government and nearly all communities of the 
people. From this material, under cover of "lib- 
erty of speech," " liberty of the press," and "habeas 
corpus," they hoped to keep on foot amongst us a 
most efficient corps of spies, informers, suppliers, and 
aiders and abettors of their cause in a thousand ways. 

They knew that in times such as they were inaugu- 
rating, by the Constitution itself, the " habeas corpus " 
might be suspended; but they also knew they had 
friends who would make a question as to who was to 
suspend it ; meanwhile their spies and others might 
remain at large to help on their cause. Or if, as has 
happened, the execution should suspend the writ,' 
without ruinous waste of time, instances of arresting 
innocent persons might occur, as are always likely to 
occur in such cases ; and then a clamor could be 
raised in regard to this, which might be, at least, of 



PEN AND VOICE. 267 

some service to the insurgent cause. It needed no 
very keen perception to discover this part of the ene- 
my's programme, so soon as by open hostilities their 
machinery was fairly put in motion. Yet, thoroughly 
imbued with a reverence for the guaranteed rights of 
individuals, I was slow to adopt the strong measures 
which by degress I have been forced to regard as 
being within the exceptions of the Constitution, and 
as indispensable to the public safety. 

Nothing is better known to history than that courts 
of justice are utterly incompetent to such cases. 
Civil courts are organized chiefly for trials of indi- 
viduals, or, at most, a few individuals acting in eon- 
cert ; and this in quiet times, and on charges of crimes 
well defined in the law. Even in times of peace, bands 
of horse-thieves and robbers frequently grow too 
numerous and powerful for ordinary courts of justice. 
But what comparison, in numbers, have such bands 
ever borne to the insurgent sympathizers even in 
many of the loyal states ? Again, a jury too frequently 
has at least one member more ready to hang the panel 
than to hang the traitor. And yet, again, he who 
dissuades one man from volunteering, or induces one 
soldier to desert, weakens the Union cause as much 
as he who kills a Union soldier in battle. Yet this 
dissuasion or inducement may be so conducted as to 
be no defined crime of which any civil court would 
take cognizance. 

Ours is a case of rebellion — so called by the reso- 
lutions before me — in fact, a clear, flagrant and 
gigantic case of rebellion ; and the provision of the 
Constitution that "the privilege of the writ of habeas 



268 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 

corpus shall not be suspended, unless when in cases of 
rebellion or invasion the public safety may require it," 
is the provision which specially applies to our present 
case. This provision plainly attests the understanding 
of those who made the Constitution, that ordinary 
courts of justice are inadequate to " cases of rebellion" 
— attests their purpose that, in such cases, men may 
be held in custody whom the courts, acting on ordi- 
nary rules, would discharge. Habeas corpus does not 
discharge men who are proved to be guilty of defined 
crime; and its suspension is allowed by the Consti- 
tution on purpose that men may be arrested and held 
who can not be proved to be guilty of defined crime, 
"when, in cases of rebellion or invasion, the public 
safety may require it/' 

This is precisely our present case — a case of rebell- 
ion, wherein the public safety does require the sus- 
pension. Indeed, arrests by process of courts, and 
arrests in cases of rebellion do not proceed altogether 
upon the same basis. The former is directed at the 
small percentage of ordinary and continuous perpe- 
tration of crime, while the latter is directed at sudden 
and extensive uprisings against the government, which, 
at most, will succeed or fail at no great length of 
time. In the latter case, arrests are made, not so 
much for what has been done, as for what probably 
would be done. The latter is more for the preventive 
and less for the vindictive than the former. In such 
cases the purposes of men are much more easily un- 
derstood than in cases of ordinary crime. 

The man who stands by and says nothing when the 
peril of his government is discussed, can not be misun- 



PEN AND VOICE. 269 

derstood. If hot hindered lie is sn re to help the enemy ; 
much more, if he talks ambiguously — talks for his 
country with " buts" and " its " ? and " amis." Of how 
little value the constitutional provisions I have quoted 
will be rendered, if arrests shall never be made until 
defined crimes shall have been committed, may be 
illustrated by a few notable examples. General John 
C. Breckenridge, General Robert E. Lee, General 
Joseph E. Johnston, General John B. Magruder, 
General William B. Preston, General Simon B. Buck- 
ner, and Commodore Franklin Buchanan, now occu- 
pying the very highest places in the rebel war service, 
were all within the power of the government since 
the rebellion began, and were nearly as well known 
to be traitors then as now. Unquestionably if we had 
seized and held them, the insurgent cause would be 
much weaker. But no one of them had then com- 
mitted any crime defined in the law. Every one of 
them, if arrested, would have been discharged on 
habeas corpus were the writ allowed to operate. 

In view of these and similar cases, I think the time 
not unlikely to come when I shall be blamed for 
having made too few arrests rather than too many. 

By the third resolution the meeting indicate their 
opinion that military arrests may be constitutional in 
localities where rebellion actually exists, but that such 
arrests are unconstitutional in localities where rebell- 
ion or insurrection does not actually exist. They in- 
sist that such arrests shall not be made " outside of 
the lines of necessary military occupation and the 
scenes of insurrection." Inasmuch, however, as the 
Constitution itself makes no such distinction, I am 



270 ABRAHAM LINCOLXS 

unable to believe that there is any such constitutional 
distinction. I concede that the class of arrests com- 
plained of can be constitutional only when, in cases 
of rebellion or invasion, the public safety may require 
them ; and I insist that in such cases they are consti- 
tutional, whereas the public safety does require them, 
as well in places to which they may prevent the re- 
bellion extending as in those where it may be already 
prevailing; as well where they may restrain mischiev- 
ous interference with the raising and supplying of 
armies to suppress the rebellion, as where the rebell- 
ion may actually be ; as well where they may restrain 
the enticing men out of the army, as where they would 
prevent mutiny in the army; equally constitutional 
at all places where they will conduce to the public 
safety, as against the dangers of rebellion or invasion. 

Take the peculiar case mentioned by the meeting. 
It is asserted, in substance, that Mr. Vallandigham 
was, by a military commander, seized and tried, " for 
no other reason than words addressed to a public 
meeting, in criticism of the course of the administra- 
tion, and in condemnation of the military orders of the 
general." Now if there be no mistake about this, if 
this assertion is the truth and the whole truth, if there 
was no other reason for the arrest, then I concede 
that the arrest was wrong. 

But the arrest, as I understand, was made for a 
very different reason. Mr. Vallandigham avows his 
hostility to the war on the part of the Union ; and his 
arrest was made because he was laboring, with some 
effect, to prevent the raising of troops; to encourage 
desertion from the army; and to leave the rebellion 



PEN AND VOICE. 271 

without, an adequate military force to suppress it. 
He was not arrested because he was damaging the 
political prospects of the administration, or the per- 
sonal interests of the commanding general, but be- 
cause he was damaging the army, upon the existence 
and vigor of which the life of the Nation depends. 

He was warring upon the military, and this gave 
the military constitutional jurisdiction to lay hands 
upon him. If Mr. Vallandigham was not damaging 
the military power of the country, then his arrest 
was made on mistake of fact, which I would be dad 
to correct, on reasonably satisfactory evidence. 

I understand the meeting, whose resolutions I am 
considering, to be in favor of suppressing the rebel- 
lion by military force, by armies. Long experience 
has showm that armies can not be maintained unless 
desertion shall be punished by the severe penalty of 
death. 

The case requires, and the law and the Constitution 
sanction, this punishment. Must I shoot a simple- 
minded soldier boy who deserts, while I must not 
touch a hair of a wily agitator who induces him to 
desert ? This is none the less injurious when effected 
by getting a father, or brother, or friend, into a pub- 
lic meeting, and there working upon his feelings un- 
til he is persuaded to write the soldier boy that he is 
fighting in a bad cause, for a wicked administration 
of a contemptible government, too weak to arrest 
and punish him if he shall desert. I think that, in 
such a case, to silence the agitator, and save the boy, 
is not only constitutional, but withal a great mercy. 
If I be wrong on this question of constitutional 



272 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 

power, my error lies in believing that certain pro- 
ceedings are constitutional when, in cases of rebell- 
ion or invasion, the public safety requires them, 
which would not be constitutional, in absence of re- 
bellion or invasion, the public safety does not require 
them ; in other words, that the Constitution is not in 
its application in all respects the same, in cases of 
rebellion or invasion involving the public safety, as it 
is in times of profound peace and public security. 
The Constitution itself makes the distinction, and I 
can no more be persuaded that the government can 
constitutionally take no strong measures in time of 
rebellion, because it can be shown that the same 
could not be lawfully taken in time of peace, then I 
can be persuaded that a particular drug is not good 
medicine for a sick man because it can be shown to 
not be good food for a well one. Nor am I able to 
appreciate the danger apprehended by the meeting 
that the American people will, by means of military 
arrests during the rebellion, lose the right of public 
discussion, the liberty of speech and the press, the 
laws of evidence, trial by jury, and habeas corpus, 
throughout the indefinite peaceful future, which I 
trust lies before them, any more than I am able to 
believe that a man could contract so strong an appe- 
tite for emetics during temporary illness as to persist 
in feeding upon them during the remainder of his 
healthful life. 

In giving the resolutions that earnest consideration 
which you request of me, I can not overlook the fact 
that the meeting speak as "Democrats." Nor can I, 
with full respect for their known intelligence, and 



PEN AND VOICE. 273 

the fairly presumed deliberation with which they pre- 
pared their resolutions, be permitted to suppose that 
this occurred by accident, or in any way other than 
that they preferred to designate themselves " Demo- 
crats" rather than American citizens. In this time 
of national peril, I would have preferred to meet you 
on a level one step higher than any party platform ; be- 
cause I am sure that, from such more elevated position, 
we could do better battle for the country we all love 
than we possibly can from those lower ones, where, 
from the force of habit, the prejudices of the past, and 
selfish hopes of the future, we are sure to expend 
much of our ingenuity and strength in finding fault 
with, and aiming blows at, each other. But, since 
you have denied me this, I will yet be thankful, for 
the country's sake, that not all Democrats have 
done so. 

lie on whose discretionary judgment Mr. Vallan- 
digham was arrested and tried is a Democrat, having 
no old party affinity with me; and the judge who 
rejected the constitutional view expressed in these 
resolutions, by refusing to discharge Mr. Vallandig- 
ham on habeas corpus is a Democrat of better days 
than these, having received his judicial mantle at the 
hands of President Jackson. And still more, of all 
those Democrats who are nobly exposing their lives 
and shedding their blood on the battle field, I have 
learned that many approve the course taken with 
Mr. Vallandigham, while I have not heard of a sin- 
gle one condemning it. I can not assert that there 
are none such. And the name of President Jackson 
recalls an instance of pertinent history. After the 



274 ABKAHAM LINCOLN'S 

battle of New Orleans, and while the fact that the 
treaty of peace had been concluded was well known 
in the city, but before official knowledge of it had ar- 
rived, General Jackson still maintained martial or 
military law. Now that it could be said the war was 
over, the clamor against martial law, which had ex- 
isted from the first, grew more furious. Among 
other things, a Mr. Lonaillier published a denuncia- 
tory newspaper article. General Jackson arrested 
him. A lawyer by the name of Morel procured the 
United States Judge, Hall, to order a writ of habeas 
corpus to relieve Mr. Lonaillier. General Jackson 
arrested both the lawyer and the judge. A Mr. Hol- 
lander ventured to say of some part of the matter 
that " it was a dirty trick." General Jackson ar- 
rested him. When the officer undertook to serve 
the writ of habeas corpus, General Jackson took it 
from him, and sent him away with a copy. Holding 
the judge in custody a few days, the general sent 
him beyond the limits of his encampment, and set 
him at liberty, with an order to remain till the ratifi- 
cation of peace should be regularly announced, or 
until the British should have left the southern coast. 
A day or two more elapsed, the ratification of the 
treaty of peace was regularly announced, and the 
judge and others were fully liberated. A few days 
more, and the judge called General Jackson into 
court, and fined him $1,000 for having arrested him 
and the others named. The general paid the fine, 
and there the matter rested for nearly thirty years, 
when Congress refunded principal and interest. The 
late Senator Douglas, when in the House of Repre- 



PEN AND VOICE. 275 

sentatives, took a leading part, in the debates, in which 
the constitutional question was much discussed. I 
am not prepared to say whom the journals would 
show to have voted for the measure. 

It may be remarked : First, that we had the same 
Constitution then as now ; secondly, that we then had 
a case of invasion, and now we have a case of re- 
bellion ; and, thirdly, that the permanent right of the 
people to public discussion, the liberty of speech and 
of the press, the trial by jury, the law of evidence, 
and the habeas corpus, suffered no detriment what- 
ever by that conduct of General Jackson, or its sub- 
sequent approval by the American Congress. 

And yet, let me say, that in my own discretion, I 
do not know whether I would have ordered the ar- 
rest of Mr. Vallandigham. While I can not shift 
the responsibility from myself, I hold that, as a gen- 
eral rule, the commander in the field is the better 
judge of the necessity in any particular case. 

Of course, I must practice a general directory and 
revisory power in the matter. 

One of the resolutions expresses the opinion of the 
meeting that arbitrary arrests will have the effect 
to divide and distract those who should be united in 
suppressing the rebellion, and I am specifically called 
on to discharge Mr. Vallandigham. I regard this 
as, at least, a fair appeal to me on the expediency of 
exercising a constitutional power which I think ex- 
ists. In response to such appeal, I have to say, it 
gave me pain when I learned that Mr. Vallandigham 
had been arrested ; that is, I was pained that there 
should have seemed to be a necessity for arresting 



276 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 

him, and that it will afford mo great pleasure to dis- 
charge him so soon as I can by any means, believe 
the public safety will not sutler by it. 

I further say that as the war progresses, it appeals 
to me opinion and action, which were in great con- 
fusion at first, take shape and fall into more regular 
channels, so that the necessity for strong dealing 
with them gradually decreases. I have every reason 
to desire that it shall cease altogether, and far from 
the least is my regard for the opinion and wishes of 
those who like the meeting at Albany, declare their 
purpose to sustain the government in every consti- 
tutional and lawful measure to suppress the rebellion. 
Still, I must continue to do so much as may seem 
to be required by the public safety. A. Lincoln. 

To General Hooker. 

June 14, 1863, 5:50 P. 31. 
So far as we can make out here, the enemy have 
Milroy surrounded at Winchester, and Tyler at Mar- 
tinsburg. If they could hold out a few days, could 
you help them ? If the head of Lee's army is at 
Martinsburg and the tail of it on the plank-road be- 
tween Fredericksburg and Chancellorsville, the ani- 
mal must be very slim somewhere. Could you not 
break him ? A. Lincoln. 

To General Hooker. 

June 14, 1863, 11:55 P. 31. 
Yours of 11:30 just received. You have nearly all 
the elements for forming an opinion whether Win- 
chester is surrounded that I have. I really fear, al- 
most believe, it is. No communication has been 



PEN AND VOICE. 277 

bad with it during the clay either at Martinsburg or 
Harper's Ferry. At 7 p. m. we also lost communica- 
tion with Martinsburg. The enemy had also ap- 
peared there some hours before. At nine p. m. 
Harper's Ferry said the enemy was also reported at 
Berry ville and Smithfield. If I could know that, and 
Ewell moved in that direction so long ago as you 
stated in your last, then I should feel sure that Win- 
chester is strongly invested. It is quite certain that 
a considerable force of the enemy is thereabout, and 
I fear it is an overwhelming one compared with 
Milroy's. I am unable to give any more certain 
opinion. A. Lincoln. 

A Proclamation by the President of the United 
States of America. 

War Department, June 15, 1863. 

Whereas, the armed insurrectionary combinations 
now existing in several of the states are threatening 
to make inroads into the states of Maryland, West 
Virginia, Pennsylvania, and Ohio, requiring im- 
mediately an additional force for the service of the 
United States, 

Now, therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, President of 
the United States, and commander-in-chief of the 
army and navy thereof, and of the militia of the sev- 
eral states when called into actual service, do hereby 
call into the service of the United States 100,000 
militia from the states following, namely: From the 
State of Maryland, 10,000; from the State of Penn- 
sylvania, 50,000; from the State of Ohio, 30,000; 
from the State of West Virginia, 10,000, to be mus- 



278 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 

tered into the service of the United States forthwith, 
and to serve for the period of six months from the 
date of such muster into said service, unless sooner 
discharged; to be mustered in as infantry, artillery, 
and cavalry, in proportions which will be made 
known through the War Department, which depart- 
ment will also designate the several places of ren- 
dezvous. These militia to be organized according to 
the rules and regulations of the volunteer service, 
and such orders as may hereafter be issued. The 
states aforesaid will he respectively under the enroll- 
ment act for the militia service rendered under this 
proclamation. 

In testimony whereof, I have hereunto set my 
hand, and caused the seal of the United States to he 
affixed. 

Done at the City of Washington, this fifteenth day 
of June, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight 
hundred and sixty-three, and of the independence of 
the United States the eighty-seventh. A. Lincoln. 

To Major- General Hooker. 

Washington, June 16, 1863, 10 A. 31. 
To remove all misunderstanding, I now place you 
in the strict military relation to General Halleck of a 
commander of one of the armies to the general-in- 
chief of all the armies. 

I have not intended differently, hut, as it seems to 
he differently understood, I shall direct him to give 
you orders and you to ohey them. A. Lincoln. 



PEN AND VOICE. 279 

To Hon. J. K. Moorehead, Pittsburg, Pa. 

Washington, June 18, 1863, 10:40 A. 31. 
If General Brooks, now in command at Pittsburg, 
finds any person or persons injuriously affecting his 
military operations, lie is authorized to arrest him or 
them at once, if the case is urgent. If not urgent, 
let him communicate the particulars to me. General 
Brooks is the man to now manage the matter at 
Pittsburg. Please show this to him. 

A. Lincoln. 

To General John M. Schofield. 
Executive Mansion, Washington, June 22, 1863. 

My Dear Sir: — Your dispatch, asking in substance 
whether, in case Missouri shall adopt gradual eman- 
cipation, the General Government will protect slave 
owners in that species of property during the short 
time it shall be permitted by the state to exist within 
it, has been received. Desirous as I am that emanci- 
pation shall be adopted by Missouri, and believing as 
I do that gradual can be made better than immediate 
for both black and white, except when military neces- 
sity changes the case, my impulse is to say that such 
protection would be given. I can not know exactly 
what shape an act of emancipation may take. If the 
period from the initiation to the final end should be 
comparatively short, and the act should prevent per- 
sons being sold during that period into more lasting 
slavery, the whole would be easier. 

I do not wish to pledge the general government 
to the affirmative support of even temporary slavery 



280 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 

beyond what can be fairly claimed under the Consti- 
tution. 

I suppose, however, this is not desired, but that it 
is desired for the military force of the United States, 
while in Missouri, to not be used in subverting the 
temporarily reserved legal rights in slaves during the 
progress of emancipation. This I would desire also. 
I have very earnestly urged the slave states to adopt 
emancipation; and it ought to be, and is, an object 
with me not to overthrow or thwart what any of 
them may, in good faith, do to that end. You are, 
therefore, authorized to act in the spirit of this letter 
in conjunction with what may appear to be the mili- 
tary necessities of your department. 

Although this letter will become public at some 
time, it is not intended to be made so now. 

Yours, truly, A. Lincoln. 

The President's Announcement of the Success op 
the Army of the Potomac. 

July 4, 1863. 
The President announces to the country that news 
from the Army of the Potomac, up to ten p. M. of the 
3d, is such as to cover that army with the highest 
honor; to promise a great success to the cause of the 
Union, and to claim the condolence of all for the 
many gallant fallen; and that for this, he especially 
desires that on this day He whose will, not ours, 
should ever be done, be every-where remembered 
and reverenced with the profoundest gratitude. 

Abraham Lincoln. 



pen and voice. 281 

Response to a Serenade, July, 1863. 
Fellow-citizens: — I am very glad indeed to see you 
to-night, and yet I will not say I thank you for this 
call ; but I do most sincerely thank Almighty God 
for the occasion on which you have called. How 
long ago is it — eighty odd years since on the Fourth 
of July, for the first time in the history of the world, 
a nation, by its representatives, assembled and de- 
clared as a self-evident truth that " all men are cre- 
ated equal." That was the birthday of the United 
States of America. Since then the Fourth of July 
has had several very peculiar recognitions. The two 
men most distinguished in the framing and the sup- 
port of the declaration were Thomas Jefferson and 
John Adams — the one having penned it, and the 
other sustained it the most forcibly in debate — the 
only two of the fifty-five who signed it, and were 
elected President of the United States. Precisely 
fifty years after they put their hands to the paper, it 
pleased Almighty God to take both from this stage 
of action. This was indeed an extraordinary and 
remarkable event in our history. Another Presi- 
dent, five years after, was called from this stage of 
existence on the same day and month of the year; 
and now on this last Fourth of July, just passed, 
when we have a gigantic rebellion, at the bottom of 
which is an effort to overthrow the principle that all 
men were created equal, we have the surrender of a 
most powerful position and army on that very day. 
And not only so, but in a succession of battles in 

24: 



282 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 

Pennsylvania, near to us, through three days, so rap- 
idly fought that they might be called one great bat- 
tle, on the first, second and third of the month of 
July; and on the fourth the cohorts of those who 
opposed the declaration that all men are created 
equal "turned tail" and run. Gentlemen, this is a 
glorious theme, and the oceasion for a speech, but I 
am not prepared to make one worthy of the oceasion. 
I would like to speak in terms of praise due to the 
many brave officers and soldiers who have fought in 
the cause of the Union and liberties of their country 
from the beginning of the war. These are trying 
occasions, not only in success, but for the want of 
success. I dislike to mention the name of one single 
officer, lest I might do wrong to those I might forget. 
Recent events bring up glorious names, and particu- 
larly prominent ones ; but these I will not mention. 
Having said this much, I will now take the music. 

To Major-General Curtis. 
Executive Mansion, Washington, July 5, 1863. 

My Dear Sir: — I am having a good deal of trouble 
with Missouri matters, and I now sit down to write 
you particularly about it. One class of friends be- 
lieve in greater severity, and another in greater leni- 
ency in regard to arrests, banishments and assess- 
ments. 

As usual in such cases, each questions the other's 
motives. On the one hand, it is insisted that Gov- 
ernor Gamble's unionism at most, is not better than 
a secondary spring of action ; that hunkerism and a 
wish for political influence stand before unionism 



PEN AND VOICE. 283 

with him. On the other hand, it is urged that arrests, 
banishments, and assessments, are made more for pri- 
vate malice, revenge, and pecuniary interest than for 
the public good. 

This morning I was told by a gentleman, who I 
have no doubt believes what he says, that in one case 
of assessments for $10,000, the different persons who 
paid, compared receipts, and found they had paid 
$30,000. If this be true, the inference is that the col- 
lecting agents pocketed the odd $20,000. 

And true or not in this instance, nothing but the 
sternest necessity can justify the making and main- 
taining of a system so liable to such abuses. Doubt- 
less the necessity for the making of the system in 
Missouri did exist, and whether it continues for the 
maintenance of it is now a practical and very import- 
ant question. 

Some days ago Governor Gamble telegraphed me, 
asking that the assessments outside of St. Louis 
county might be suspended, as they already have 
been within it, and this morning all the members of 
Congress here from Missouri but one laid a paper be- 
fore me asking the same thing. Now, my belief is that 
Governor Gamble is an honest and true man, not less 
so than yourself; that you and he could confer to- 
gether on this and other Missouri questions, with 
great advantage to the public; that each knows 
something which the other does not, and that acting 
together you could about double your stock of perti- 
nent information. May I not hope that you and he 
will attempt this? I could at once safely do (or you 
could safely do without me) whatever you and he 



284 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 

agree upon. There is absolutely no reason why you 
should not agree. Yours, as ever, A. Lincoln. 

P. S. I forgot to say that Hon. James S. Rollins, 
member of Congress from one of the Missouri dis- 
tricts, wishes that, upon his personal responsibility, 
Rev. John M. Robinson, of Columbia, Mo., James L. 
Mathews, of Boone county, Missouri, and James L. 
Stevens, also of Boone county, Missouri, may be al- 
lowed to return to their respective homes. Major 
Rollins leaves with me very strong papers from the 
neighbors of these men, whom he says he knows to 
be true men. He also says he has many constituents 
who he thinks are rightly exiled, but that he thinks 
these three should be allowed to return. 

Please look into the case, and oblige Major Rollins, 
if you consistently can. Yours truly, A. Lincoln. 

To Major-General Halleck. 
Soldiers' Home [Washington], July 6, 1863, 7 p. m. 
I left the telegraph office a good deal dissatisfied. 
You know I did not like the phrase in order No. 68, 
I believe, " Drive the invaders from our soil." Since 
that, I see a dispatch from General French, saying 
the enemy is crossing his wounded over the river in 
flats, without saying why he does not stop it, or .even 
insinuating a thought that it ought to be stopped. Still 
later, another dispatch from General Pleasonton, by 
direction of General Meade, to General French, stat- 
ing that the main army is halted because it is believed 
the rebels are concentrating " on the road toward 
Hagerstown, beyond Fairfield," and is not to move 



PEN AND VOICE. 285 

until it is ascertained that the rebels intend to evacu- 
ate Cumberland Valley. 

These things all appear to me to be connected with 
a purpose to cover Baltimore and Washington, and 
to get the enemy across the river again without a fur- 
ther collision, and they do not appear connected with 
a purpose to prevent bis crossing, and to destroy him. 
I do fear the former purpose is acted upon, and the 
latter is rejected. 

If you are satisfied the latter purpose is entertained 
and is judiciously pursued, I am content. If you 
are not so satisfied, please look to it. Yours truly, 

A. Lincoln. 

To General Lorenzo Thomas, IIarrisburg, Pa. 
War Deft, Washington, July 8, 1803, 12:30 P. 31. 

Your dispatch of this morning to the Secretary of 
War is before me. 

The forces you speak of will be of no imaginable 
service if they can not go forward with a little more 
expedition. 

Lee is now passing the Potomac faster than the 
forces you mention are passing Carlisle. 

Forces now beyond Carlisle to be joined by regi- 
ments still at Harrisburg, and the united force to 
to again join Pierce somewhere, and the whole to 
move down the Cumberland Valley, will, in my un- 
professional opinion, be quite as likely to capture the 
" man in the moon " as any part of Lee's army. 

A. Lincoln. 



286 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 

To Hon. J. K. Dubois, Springfield, III. 
Washington, D. C, July 11, 1863, 9 A.M. 
It is certain that after three days fighting at Gettys- 
burg, Lee withdrew and made for the Potomac ; that 
he found the river so swollen as to prevent his cross- 
ing; that he is still this side, near Hagerstown and 
Willianisport, preparing to defend himself; and that 
Meade is close upon him, and preparing to attack 
him, heavy skirmishing having occurred nearly all 
day yesterday. I am more than satisfied with what 
has happened north of the Potomac so far, and am 
anxious and hopeful for what is to come. 

A. Lincoln. 

Letter to General Grant, July 13, 1863. 

My Dear General: — I do not remember that you 
and I ever met personally. I write this now as a 
grateful acknowledgment for the almost inestimable 
services you have done the country. 

I wish to say a word further. When you reached 
the vicinity of Yicksburg, I thought you should do 
what you finally did — march the troops* across the 
neck, run the batteries with the transports, and thus 
go below; and I never had any faith, except in a 
general hope, that you knew better than I, that the 
Yazoo Pass expedition and the like would succeed. 

"When you got below and took Fort Gibson, Grand 
Gulf, and vicinity, I thought you should go down 
the river and join General Banks; and when you 
turned northward, east of the Big Black, I feared it 



PEN AND VOICE. 287 

was a mistake. I now wish to make a personal ac- 
knowledgment that you were right and I was wrong. 

A. Lincoln. 

Call for a Day of Thanksgiving and Prayer, Sum- 
mer of 1863. 

After Gettysburg and Vicksburg President Lincoln 
called upon the people as follows : 

" To set apart a time in the near future, to be ob- 
served as a day for national thanksgiving, praise and 
prayer to Almighty God, for the wonderful things 
he had done in the nation's behalf, and to invoke the 
influence of his Holy Spirit to subdue the anger 
which has produced and so long sustained a needless 
and cruel rebellion, to change the hearts of the insur- 
gents, to guide the councils of the government with 
wisdom adequate to so great a national emergency ; 
and to visit with tender care and consolation through- 
out the length and breadth of our land, all those 
who, through the vicissitudes and marches, voyages, 
battles, and sieges, had been brought to suffer in 
mind, body, or estate, and finally, to lead the whole 
nation, through paths of repentance and submission 
to the Divine will, back to the perfect enjoyment of 
Union and fraternal peace." 

A Proclamation. July 15, 1863. 
It has pleased Almighty God to hearken to the 
supplications and prayers of an afflicted people, and 
to vouchsafe to the army and navy of the United 
States, on the land and on the sea, victories so signal 
and so effective as to furnish reasonable grounds for 



288 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 

augmented confidence that the Union of these states 
will be maintained, their constitution preserved, and 
their peace and prosperity permanently secured ; but 
these victories have been accorded, not without sacri- 
fice of life, limb, and liberty, incurred by brave, 
patriotic, and loyal citizens. Domestic affliction in 
every part of the country follows in the train of these 
fearful bereavements. 

It is meet and right to recognize and confess the 
presence of the Almighty Father, and the power 
of his hand equally in these triumphs and these 
sorrows. 

Now, therefore, be it known, that I do set apart 
Thursday, the sixth day of August next, to be ob- 
served us a day for national thanksgiving, praise, 
and prayer ; and I invite the people of the United 
States to assemble on that occasion in their customary 
places of worship, and in the form approved by their 
own conscience, render the homage due to the Divine 
Majesty, for the wonderful things He has done in 
the nation's behalf, and invoke the influence of his 
Holy Spirit, to subdue the anger which has pro- 
duced and so long sustained a needless and cruel re- 
bellion, to change the hearts of the insurgents, to 
guide the councils of the government with wisdom 
adequate to so great a national emergency, and to 
visit with tender care and consolation, throughout 
the length and breadth of our land, all those who, 
through the vicissitudes of marches, voyages, battles. 
and seizes, have been brought to suffer in mind, 
body, or estate, and finally, to lead the whole nation 
through paths of repentance and submission to the 



PEN AND VOICE. 289 

Divine will, back to the perfect enjoyment of Union 
and fraternal peace. 

In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand 
and caused the seal of the United States to be 
affixed. 

Done at the City of Washington, this 15th day of 
July, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight 
hundred and sixty-three, and of the independence of 
the United States of America the eighty-eighth. 

Abraham Lincoln. 

Letter to Governor Seymour, July, 1863. 
I do not object to abide the decision of the United 
States Supreme Court, or of the judges thereof, on 
the consitutionality of the draft law. In fact, I 
should be willing to facilitate the obtaining of it. 
But I can not consent to lose the time while it is be- 
ing obtained. We are contending with an enemy 
who, as I understand, drives every able bodied man 
lie can reach into his ranks, very mueh as a butcher 
drives bullocks into a slaughter pen. No time is 
wasted, no argument is used. This produces an army 
which will soon turn upon our now victorious soldiers 
already in the field, if they shall not be sustained by 
recruits as they should be. It produces an army with 
a rapidity not to be matched on our side, if we first 
waste time to re-experiment with a volunteer system, 
already deemed by Congress, and palpably, in fact, 
so far exhausted as to be inadequate ; and then more 
time to obtain a court decision, as to whether a law 
is constitutional which requires a part of those not 
25 



290 ABRAHAM LINCOLN S 

now in service to go to the aid of those who are al- 
ready in it; and still more time to determine with 
absolute certainty that we get those who are to go in 
the precisely legal proportion to those who are not to 
go. My purpose is to be in my action just and con- 
stitutional, and yet practical in performing the im- 
portant duty with which I am charged, of maintaining 
the unity and the free principles of our common coun- 
try. A. Lincoln. 

To His Excellency, Joel Parker, Governor of New 

Jersey. 
Executive Ma nsion, Washington , July 20, 1863. 
Dear Sir: — Yours of the 17th has been received and 
considered by the Secretary of War and myself. I 
was pained to be informed this morning, by the pro- 
vost marshal general, that New Jersey is now behind 
twelve thousand, irrespective of the draft. I did not 
have time to ascertain by what rule this was made 
out ; and I shall be very glad if it shall, by any means, 
prove to be incorrect. He also tells me that eight 
thousand will he the quota of New Jersey on the first 
draft ; and the Secretary of War says the first draft in 
that state would not he made for some time, in any 
event. As every man obtained otherwise lessens the 
draft so much, and thus may supersede it altogether, I 
hope you will push forward your volunteer regiments 
as fast as possible. It is a very delicate matter to }>ost- 
pone the draft of one state, because of the argument 
it furnishes others to have postponement also. If we 
could have a reason in one case which would be good 
if presented in all cases, we could act upon it. I will 



PEN AND VOICE. 291 

thank you therefore to inform me, if you can, by what 
day, as the earliest, you can promise to have ready to 
be mustered into the United States service the eight 
thousand men. If you can make a reliable promise 
(I mean one on which you can yourself rely), of this 
sort, it will be of great value, if the day is not too re- 
mote. 

I beg you to be assured I wish to avoid the diffi- 
culties you dread, as much as yourself. 

Your obedient servant, A. Lincoln. 

To Hon. Postmaster-General. 
Executive Mansion, Washington, July 24, 1803. 
Yesterday little indorsements of mine went to you in 
two cases of postmasterships sought for widows whose 
husbands have fallen in the battles of this war. These 
cases occurring on the same day, brought me to re- 
flect more attentively than I had before done as to 
what is fairly due from us here in the dispensing of 
patronage toward the men who, by fighting our bat- 
tles, bear the chief burden of saving our country. 
My conclusion is, that other claims and qualifications 
being equal, they have the better right, and this is 
especially applicable to the disabled soldier and the 
deceased soldier's family. 

Your obedient servant, A. Lincoln. 

To His Excellency, Governor Joel Parker. 
Executive Mansion, Washington, July 25, 1863, 
Sir: — Yours of the 21st is received, and I have 
taken time and considered and discussed the subject 
with. Secretary of War and provost marshal general, 



292 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 

in order, if possible, to make yon a more favorable 
answer that I finally find myself able to do. 

It is a vital point with us to not have a special stip- 
ulation with the governor of any one state, because it 
would breed trouble in many, if not all other states ; 
and my idea was, when I wrote you, as it still is, to 
get a point of time to which we could wait, on the 
reason that we were not ready ourselves to proceed, 
and which might enable you to raise the quota of 
your state, in whole, or in large part, without the 
draft. The points of time you fix are much further 
off than I had hoped. We might have got along in 
the way I have indicated for twenty, or possibly thirty 
days. As it stands, the best I can say is that every 
volunteer you will present us within thirty days from 
the date, fit and ready to be mustered into the United 
States service, on the usual terms, shall be pro tanto, 
an abatement of your quota of the draft. That quota 
I can now state at eight thousand, seven hundred and 
eighty-three (8,783). No draft from New Jersey, 
other than for the above quota, will be made before 
an additional draft, common to all the states, shall be 
required ; and I may add, that if we get well through 
with this draft, I entertain a strong hope that any 
further one may never be needed. This expression 
of hope, however, must not be construed into a 
promise. 

As to conducting the draft by townships, I find it 
would require such a waste of labor already done, and 
such an additional amount of it, and snch a loss of 
time as to make it, I fear, inadvisable. 

p. S. — Since writing the above, getting additional 



TEN AND VOICE. 293 

information, I am enabled to say that the draft may 
be made in sub-districts, as the enrollment has been 
made, or is now in process of making. This will 
amount practically to drafting by townships, as the 
enrollment sub-districts are generally about the extent 
of townships. Your obedient servant, 

A. Lincoln. 

To Major-General Burnside, Cincinnati, O. 

War Department, Washington, July 27, 1868. 

Let me explain. In General Grant's first dispatch 
after the fall of Vicksburg, he said, among other things, 
he would send the ninth corps to you. 

Thinking it would be pleasant news to you, I asked 
the Secretary of War to telegraph you the news. For 
some reasons never mentioned to us by General Grant, 
they have not been sent, though we have seen outside 
intimations, that they took part in the expedition 
against Jackson. 

General Grant is a copious worker and fighter, but 
a very meager writer or telegrapher. No doubt he 
changed his purpose in regard to the ninth corps for 
some sufficient reason, but has forgotten to notify us 
of it. A. Lincoln. 

To Major-General Halleck. 

Executive Maiision, July 20, 1863. 
Seeing General Meade's dispatch of yesterday to 
yourself, causes me to fear that he supposes the 
government here is demanding of him to bring on a 
genera] engagement with Lee as soon as possible. I 
am claiming no such thing of him. In fact, my judg- 



294 ABRAHAM LINCOLN S 

ment is against it, which judgment, of course, I will 
yield if yours and his are the contrary. If he could 
not safely engage Lee at Williamsport, it seems ab- 
sured to suppose he can safely engage him now, when 
he has scarcely more than two-thirds of the force he 
had at Williamsport, while, it must he that Lee has 
been re-inforced. True, I desired General Meade to 
pursue Lee across the Potomac, hoping, as it proved 
true, that he would thereby clear the Baltimore "and 
Ohio Railroad, and get some advantage by harassing 
him on his retreat. These being past, I am unwilling 
he should now get into a general engagement on the 
impression that we here are pressing him, and I shall 
be glad for you to so inform him, unless your own 
judgment is against it. Yours, truly, 

A. Lincoln. 

Reply to Letter from Ohio Democrats. 

July 29, 1863. 
The resolution of the Ohio Democratic State Con- 
vention, which you present me, together with your 
introductory and closing remarks, being in position 
and argument mainly the same as the resolutions of 
the Democratic meeting at Albany, 1ST. Y., I refer you 
to my response to the later as meeting most of the 
points in the former. This response you evidently used 
in preparing you remarks, and I desire no more than 
that it be used with accuracy. In a single reading of 
your remarks, I only discovered one inaccuracy in mat- 
ter which I suppose you took from that paper. It is 
where you say, the undersigned are unable to agree 
with you in the opinion you have expressed that the 



PEN AND VOICE. 295 

Constitution is different in time of insurrection or 
invasion from what it is in the time of peace and 
public security. 

A recurrence to the paper will show you that I have 
not expressed the opinion you suppose. 

I expressed the opinion that the Constitution is 
different in its application in cases of rebellion or in- 
vasion, involving the public safety, from what it is in 
times of profound peace and public security ; and this 
opinion I adhere to, simply because by the Consti- 
tution itself things may be done in the one case which 
may not be done in the other. 

I dislike to waste a word on a merely personal point, 
but I must respectfully assure you that you will find 
yourselves at fault should you ever seek for evidence 
to prove your assumption that I "opposed in discus- 
sions before the people the policy of the Mexican war." 

You say: "Expunge from the Constitution this 
limitation upon the power of Congress to suspend the 
writ of habeas corpus, and yet the other guarantees 
of personal liberty would remain unchanged." Doubt- 
less if this clause of the Constitution, improperly 
called, as I think, a limitation upon the power of Con- 
gress, were expunged, the other guarantees would re- 
main the same; but the question is, not how those 
guarantees would stand with that clause out of the 
Constitution, but how they stand with that clause re- 
maining in it, in case of rebellion or invasion, involv- 
ing the public safety. If the liberty could be indulged 
in expunging that clause, letter and spirit, I really 
think the constitutional argument would be with you. 

My general view on this question was stated in the 



296 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 

Albany response, and hence I do not state it now. I 
only add that, as seems to me, the benefit of the writ 
of habeas corpus is the great means through which 
the guarantees of personal liberty are conserved and 
made available in the last resort; and corroborative 
of this view is the fact that Mr. Vallandigham, in the 
very case in question, under the advice of able lawyers, 
saw not where else to go but to the habeas corpus. 
But by the Constitution the benefits of the writ of 
habeas corpus itself, maybe suspended, when, in case 
of rebellion or invasion the public safety may require it. 
You ask, in substance, whether I really claim that 
I may override all the guaranteed rights of individuals, 
on the plea of conserving the public safety — when I 
may choose to say the public safety requires it. This 
question, divested of the phraseology calculated to re- 
present me as struggling for an arbitrary personal 
prerogative, is either simply a question who shall 
decide, or an affirmation that nobody shall decide, 
what the public safety does require in cases of rebell- 
ion or invasion. The Constitution contemplates the 
question as likely to occur for decision, but it does 
not expressly declare who is to decide it. By neces- 
sary implication, when rebellion or invasion comes, 
the decision is to be made, from time to time, and I 
think the man whom, for the time, the people have 
under the Constitution, made the commander-in-chief 
of the army and navy, is the man who holds the 
power and bears the responsibility of making it. If 
he uses the power justly, the same people will prob- 
ably justify him ; if he abuses it, he is in their hands, 
to be dealt with by all the modes they have reserved 



ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 297 

to themselves in the Constitution. The earnestness 
with which you insist that persons can only, in times 
of rebellion, be lawfully dealt with, in accordance with 
the rules for criminal trials and punishments in times 
of peace, induces me to add a word to what I said on 
that point in the Albany response. You claim that 
men may, if they choose, embarrass those whose duty 
it is to combat a giant rebellion, and then be dealt 
with only in turn as if there were no rebellion. The 
Constitution itself rejects this view. 

The military arrests and detentions which have 
been made, including those of Mr. Vallandigham, 
which are not different in principle from the other, 
have been for prevention, and not for punishment — as 
injunctions to stay injury, as proceedings to keep the 
peace — and hence like proceedings in such cases and 
for like reasons, they have not been accompanied 
with indictments, or trials by juries, nor in a sin- 
gle case by any punishment whatever beyond what 
is purely incidental to the prevention. The original 
sentence of imprisonment in Air. Vallandigham's 
case was to prevent injury to the military service 
only, and the modification of it was made as a less 
disagreeable mode to him of securing the same pre- 
vention. I am unable to perceive an insult to Ohio 
in the case of Mr. Vallandigham. Quite surely noth- 
ing of this sort was or is intended. I was wholly un- 
aware that Mr. Vallandigham was, at the time of his 
arrest, a candidate for the Democratic nomination 
for governor, until so informed by your reading to 
me the resolutions of the convention. I am grateful 
to the State of Ohio for many things, especially for 



298 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 

the brave soldiers and officers she has given in the 
present national trial to the armies of the Union. 
You claim, as I understand, that, according to my 
position in the Albany response, Mr. Vallandigham 
should be released, and this because, as you claim, he 
has not damaged the military service by discourag- 
ing enlistments, encouraging desertions, or otherwise, 
and that if he had he should be turned over to the 
civil authorities under the recent acts of Congress. I 
certainly do not know that Mr. Vallandigham has 
specifically and by direct language advised against 
enlistments and in favor of desertion and resistance 
to drafting. We all know that combinations, armed 
in some instances to resist the arrest of deserters, 
began several months ago, that more recently the 
like has appeared in resistance to the enrollment 
preparatory to a draft, and that quite a number of 
assassinations have occurred from the same animus. 
These had to be met by military force, and this again 
has led to bloodshed and death. And now, under 
the sense of responsibility more weighty and endur- 
ing than any which is merely official, I solemnly de- 
clare my belief that this hindrance of the military, 
including maiming and murder, is due to the course 
in which Mr. Vallandigham has been engaged, in a 
greater degree than to any other cause, and it is 
due to him personally in a greater degree than to 
any other man. 

These things have been notorious, known to all, 
and of course known to Mr. Vallandigham. Perhaps 
I would not be wrong to say they originated with his 
especial friends and adherents. With perfect knowl- 



PEN AND VOICE. 299 

edge of them lie has frequently, if not constantly, 
made speeches in Congress and before popular as- 
semblies; and if it can be shown that, with these 
things staring him in the face, he has ever uttered a 
word of rebuke or counsel against them, it will be 
a fact greatly in his favor with me, and one of which, 
as yet, I am totally ignorant. 

When it is known that the whole burden of his 
speeches has been to stir up men against the prose- 
cution of the war, and that in the midst of resist- 
ance to it he has not been known in any instance to 
counsel against such resistance, it is next to impos- 
sible to repel the inference that he has counseled 
directly in favor of it. With all this before their 
eyes, the convention you represent have nominated 
Mr. Vallandigham for governor of Ohio, and both they 
and you have declared the purpose to sustain the Na- 
tional Union by all constitutional means. But, of 
course* they and you, in common, reserve to yourselves 
to decide what are constitutional means, and, unlike 
the Albany meeting, you omit to state or intimate that, 
in your opinion, an army is a constitutional means 
of saving the Union against a rebellion, or even to 
intimate that you are conscious of an existing re- 
bellion being in progress with the avowed object of 
destroying that very Union. 

At the same time, your nominee for governor, in 
whose behalf you appeal, is known to you and to the 
world to declare against the use of an army to sup- 
press the rebellion. Your own attitude, therefore, 
encourages desertion, resistance to the draft, and the 
like, because it teaches those who incline to desert 



300 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 

and to escape the draft to believe it is your purpose 
to protect them and to hope that you will become 
strong enough to do so. After a short personal in- 
tercourse with you, gentlemen of the committee, I 
can not say I think you desire this effect to follow 
your attitude, but I assure you that both friends 
and enemies of the Union look upon it in this 
light. It is a substantial hope, and by consequence 
a real strength to the enemy. It is a false hope, 
and one which you would willingly dispel. I will 
make the way exceedingly easy. I send you duplicates 
of this letter, in order that you, or a majority, may, 
if you choose, indorse your names upon one of them 
and return it thus indorsed to me, with the under- 
standing that those signing are hereby committed to 
the following propositions, and to nothing else : 

1. That there is now a rebellion in the United 
States, the object and tendency of which is to destroy 
the national Union, and that in your opinion an'army 
and navy are constitutional means for suppressing 
that rebellion. 2. That no one of you will do any 
thing which in his own judgment will tend to hinder 
the increase or favor the decrease or lessen the effi- 
ciency of the army and navy, while engaged in the ef- 
fort to suppress that rebellion ; and, 3. That each of 
you will, in his sphere, do all he can to have the offi- 
cers, soldiers, and seamen of the army and navy, while 
engaged in the effort to suppress the rebellion, paid, fed, 
clad, and otherwise well provided for and supported. 
And with the further understanding that upon 
receiving the letter and names thus indorsed, I will 
cause them to be published, which publication shall 



PEN AND VOICE. 301 

be within itself a revocation of the order in relation 
to Mr. Yallandigham. 

It will not escape observation that I consent to the 
release of Mr. Vallandighani upon terms not embrac- 
ing any pledge from him or from others as to what 
he will or will not do. I do this because he is not 
present to speak for himself, or to authorize others to 
speak for him; and hence I shall expect that on re- 
turning he would not put himself practically in an- 
tagonism with his friends. But I do it chiefly be- 
cause I thereby prevail on other influential gentle- 
men of Ohio to so define their position as to be of im- 
mense value to the army — thus more than compensat- 
ing for the consequence of any mistake in allowing 
Mr. Vallandigham to return, so that, on the whole, 
the public safety will not have suffered by it. Still, 
in regard to Mr. Vallandighani and all others, I must 
hereafter, as heretofore, do so much as the public 
service may seem to require. 
I have the honor to be, respectfully yours, etc., 

A. Lincoln. 
"War Bulletin— Official. 
Executive Mansion, Washington, July 31, 1863. 
It is the duty of every government to give protec- 
tion to the citizens, of whatever class, color, or con- 
dition, and especially to those who are duly organized 
as soldiers in the public service. The law of nations, 
and the usages and customs of war, as carried on by 
civilized powers, permit no distinction as to color in 
the treatment of prisoners of war or public enemies. 
To sell or enslave any captured person, on account oi 
his color, and for no offense against the laws of war. 



302 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 

is a relapse into barbarism, and a crime against the 
civilization of the age. 

The government of the United States will give the 
same protection to all its soldiers, and if the enemy 
shall sell or enslave any one because of his color, the 
offense shall be punished by retaliation upon the en- 
emy's prisoners in our possession. It is therefore or- 
dered that for every soldier of the United States 
killed in violation of the laws of war, a rebel soldier 
shall be executed, and for every one enslaved by the 
enemy or sold into slavery, a rebel soldier shall lie 
placed at hard labor on the public works, and con- 
tinued at such labor until the other shall be released, 
and receive the treatment due to a prisoner of war. 

A. Lincoln. 

Letter to General Banks, August 5, 1863. 
My Dear General Banks: — While I very well know 
what I would be glad for Louisiana, to do, it is quite 
a different thing for me to assume direction, of the 
matter. I would be glad for her to make a new Con- 
stitution, recognizing the Emancipation Proclama- 
tion, and adopting emancipation in those parts of the 
state to which the proclamation does not apply. And 
while she is at it, I think it would not be objection- 
able for her to adopt some practical system by which 
the two races could gradually live themselves out of 
their old relations to each other, and both come out 
better prepared for the new. Education for young 
blacks should be included in the plan. After all, the 
power of element of " contract " maybe sufficient for 
this probationary period, and by its simplicity and 



PEN AND VOICE. 803 

flexibility may be better. As an anti-slavery man, I 
have a motive to desire emancipation which pro- 
slavery men do not have; but even they have strong 
enough reason to thus place themselves again under 
the shield of the Union, and to thus perpetually 
pledge against the recurrence of the scenes through 
which we are now passing. Governor Shepley has 
informed me that Mr. Durant is now taking 1 a res-is- 
try, with a view to the election of a constitutional 
convention in Louisiana. This, to me, appears 
proper. If such convention were to ask my views, I 
could present little else than what I now say to you. 
I think the thing should be pushed forward so that, 
if possible, its mature work may reach here by the 
meeting of Congress. For my own part, I think I 
shall not, in any event, retract the Emancipation 
Proclamation ; nor, as Executive, ever return to 
slavery any person who is free by the terms of that 
proclamation, or by any of the acts of Congress. If 
Louisiana shall send members to Congress, their ad- 
mission to seats will depend, as you know, upon the 
respective houses, and not upon the President. 

Yours, very truly, A. Lincoln. 

To His Excellency, Horatio Seymour, Governor of 
New York. 
Executive Mansion, Washington, August 7, 1863. 
Your communication of the third instant has been 
received and attentively considered. 

I can not consent to suspend the draft in New York, 
as you request, because, among other reasons, time is 
important. By the figures you send, which I presume 



304 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 

are correct, the twelve districts represented fall in two 
classes of eight and four respectively. The disparity 
of the quotas for the draft in these two classes is cer- 
tainly very striking, being the difference between 
the average of 2,200 in one class, and 4,864 in the 
other. 

Assuming that the districts are equal, one to an- 
other, an entire population, as required by the plan 
on which they were made, this disparity is such as to 
require attention. Much of it, however, I suppose 
will be accounted for by the fact that so many more 
persons tit for soldiers are in the city than are in the 
country, who have too recently arrived from other 
parts of the United States and from Europe to be 
cither included in the census of 1860, or to have 
voted in 1862. Still, making due allowance for this, 
I am yet unwilling to stand upon it as an entirely suf- 
ficient explanation of the great disparity. 

I shall direct the draft to proceed in all the districts, 
drawing, however, at first from each of the four dis- 
tricts, to wit : the second, fourth, sixth, and eighth — 
only 2,200 being the average quota of the other class. 
After the drawing, these four districts, and also the 
seventeenth and twenty-ninth, shall be carefully re- 
enrolled ; and, if you please, agents of yours may 
witness every step of the process. 

Any deficiency which may appear by the new en- 
rollment will be supplied by special draft for that 
object, allowing due credit for volunteers who may 
be obtained from these districts respectively during 
the interval ; and at all points, so far as consistent 
with practical convenience, due credit shall be given 



PEN AND VOICE. 305 

for volunteers, and your Excellency shall be notified 
of the time fixed for commencing a draft in each dis- 
trict. A. Lincoln. 

Letter to General Grant, August 9, 1868. 

General Thomas has gone again to the Mississippi 
valley, with the view of raising colored troops. I 
have no doubt that you are doing what you reason- 
ably can upon the same subject. I believe it a re- 
source which, if rigorously applied now, will soon 
close this contest. It works doubly, weakening the 
enemy and strengthening us. We were not fully ripe 
for it until the river was opened. Kow, I think, at 
least one hundred thousand can, and ought to be, 
organized along its shores, relieving all the white 
troops to serve elsewhere. 

Mr. Davis understands you as believing that the 
emancipation proclamation has helped some of your 
military operations, and I am very glad if this is so. 

A. Lincoln. 

Letter to the Illinois Convention. 
Executive Mansion, Washington, Aug. 26, 1863. 
Hon. James C. Con/ding: My Dear Sir — Your let- 
ter inviting me to attend a mass meeting of uncon- 
ditional Union men, to be held at the capital of 
Illinois, on the 3d day of September, has been re- 
ceived. It would be very agreeable for me thus to 
meet my old friends at my own home, but I can not 
just now be absent from here as long as a visit there 
would require. 

The meeting is to be of all those who maintain un- 
26 



306 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 

conditional devotion to the Union, and I am sure my 
old political friends will thank me for tendering, as I 
do, the nation's gratitude to those other noble men 
whom no partisan malice or partisan hope can make 
false to the nation's life. 

There are those who are dissatisfied with me. To 
such I would say, you desire peace, and you blame 
me that we do not have it. But how can we attain 
it? There are but three conceivable ways: First, to 
suppress the rebellion by force of arms. This I am 
trying to do. Are you for it? If yon arc, so far we 
are agreed. If you are not for it, a second way, is to 
give up the Union. I am against this. Are you for 
it? If you are, you should say so plainly. If you 
are not for force, nor yet for dissolution, there only re- 
mains some imaginable compromise. 

I do not believe that any compromise embracing 
the maintenance of the Union is now possible. All 
that I learn leads. to a directly opposite belief. The 
strength of the rebellion is its military, its army. 
That army dominates all the country and all the peo- 
ple within its range. Any offer of terms made by 
any man or men within that range, in opposition to 
that army, is simply nothing for the present; because 
such man or men have no power whatever to enforce 
their side of a compromise, if one were made with 
them. 

To illustrate : Suppose refugees from the South and 
peace men of the North get together in convention, 
and frame and proclaim a compromise embracing a 
restoration of the Union. In what way can that 
compromise be used to keep Lee's army out of Penn- 



PEN AND VOICE. 307 

K3'lvama? Meade's army can keep Lee's army out 
of Pennsylvania, and, I think, can ultimately drive it 
Out of existence. But no paper compromise to which 
the controllers of Lee's army are not agreed can at 
all affect that army. In an effort at such compromise 
we would waste time, which the enemy would im- 
prove to our di s;id vantage, and that would be all. 

A compromise, to be effective, must be made either 
with those who control the rebel army, or with the 
people, first liberated from the domination of that 
army by the success of our own army. Now, allow 
me to assure you that no word or intimation from 
that rebel army, or from any of the men controlling 
it, in relation to any peace compromise, has ever come 
to my knowledge or belief. All charges and insinu- 
ations to the contrary are deceptive and groundless. 
And I promise you that if any such proposition shall 
hereafter come, it shall not be rejected and kept a 
secret from you. I freely acknowledge myself to be 
the servant of the people, according to the bond of 
service, the United States Constitution ; and that, as 
such, I am responsible to them. But, to be plain, 
you are dissatisfied with me about the negro. Quite 
likely there is a difference of opinion betw T een you 
and myself upon that subject. I certainly wish that 
all men could be free, while you, I suppose, do not. 
Yet I have neither adopted nor proposed any meas- 
ure which is not consistent with even your views, 
provided that you are for the Union. I suggested 
compensated emancipation, to which you readied you 
wished not to be taxed to buy negroes. But I had 
not asked you to be taxed to buy negroes, except in 



308 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 

such a way as to save you from greater taxation to 
save the Union exclusively by other means. 

You dislike the emancipation proclamation, and 
perhaps would have it retracted. You say it is un- 
constitutional. I think differently. I think the 
Constitution invests its commander-in-chief with the 
law of war in time of war. The most that can be 
said if so much, is, that slaves are property. Is 
there, has there ever been, any question that by the 
law of war, property, both of enemies and friends, 
may be taken when needed? And is it not needed 
whenever it helps us and hurts the enemy? Armies, 
the world over, destroy enemies' property when they 
can not use it, and even destroy their own to keep it 
from the enemy 

Civilized belligerents do all in their power to help 
themselves, or hurt the enemy, except a few things 
regarded as barbarous or cruel. Among the excep- 
tions arc the massacre of vanquished foes and non- 
combatants, male and female. 

But the proclamation, as law, either is valid or is not 
valid. If it is not valid it needs no retraction. If it 
is valid, it can not be retracted, any more than the 
dead can be brought to life. Some of you profess to 
think its retraction would operate favorably for the 
Union. Why better after the retraction than before 
the issue? There was more than a year and a half 
of trial to suppress the rebellion before the proclama- 
tion was issued, the last one hundred days of which 
passed under an explicit notice that it was coming, 
unless averted by those in revolt returning to their 
allegiance. The war has certainly progressed as fa- 



PEN AND VOICE. 309 

vorably for us since the issue of the proclamation as 
before. I know as fully as one can know the opinion 
of others that some of the commanders of our armies 
in the iield, who have given us our most important 
victories, believe the emancipation policy and the use 
of colored troops constitute the heaviest blows vet 
dealt to the rebellion, and that at least one of those 
important successes could not have been achieved 
when it was but for the aid of black soldiers. 

Among the commanders who hold these views are 
some who have never had an affinity with what is 
called "abolitionism," or with "Republican party 
politics," but who held them purely as military opin- 
ions. I submit their opinions as entitled to some 
weight against the objections often urged that eman- 
cipation and arming the blacks are unwise as mili- 
tary measures, and were not adopted as such in good 
faith. 

You say that you will not fight to free negroes. 
Some of them seem willing to fight for you ; but no 
matter. Fight you then, exclusively to save the 
Union. I issued the proclamation on purpose to aid 
you in saving the Union. Whenever you shall have 
conquered all resistance to the Union, if I shall urge 
you to continue fighting, it will be an apt time then 
for you to declare you will not fight to free negroes. 
I thought that, in your struggle for the Union, to 
whatever extent the negroes should cease helping 
the enemy, to that extent it weakened the enemy in 
his resistance to you. Do you think differently? 

I thought that whatever negroes can be got to do 
as soldiers, leaves just so much less for white soldiers 



310 ABRAHAM LINCOLN S 

to do in saving the Union. Does it appear otherwise 
to you? But negroes, like other people, act upon 
motives. Why should they do any thing for us, if we 
will do nothing for them? If they stake their lives 
for us, they must he prompted by the strongest mo- 
tive, even the promise of freedom. And the promise 
being made, must be kept. The signs look better. 
The Father of Waters again goes unvexed to the sea. 
Thanks to the great north-west for it ; nor yet wholly 
to them. Three hundred miles up they met New 
England, Empire, Keystone and Jersey, hewing their 
way right and left. 

The sunny South, too, in more colors than one, also 
lent a helping hand. On the spot their part of the 
history was jotted down in black and white. The job 
was a great national one, and let none be slighted 
who bore an honorable part in it. And while those 
who have cleared the great river may well be proud, 
even that is not all. It is hard to say that any thing 
has been more bravely or well done than at Antietam, 
Murfreesboro, Gettysburg, and on many fields of less 
note. Nor must Uncle Sam's web-feet be forgotten. 
At all the watery margins they have been present, not 
only on the deep sea, the broad bay, and the rapid 
river, but also up the narrow muddy bayou, and 
wherever the ground was a little damp, they have 
been and made their tracks. Thanks to all. For the 
great republic — for the principle it lives by and keeps 
alive — for man's vast future — thanks to all. 

Peace does not appear so distant as it did. I hope 
it will come soon, and come to stay, and so come as 
to be w T orth the keeping in all future time. It will 



PEN AND VOICE. 31 1 

then have been proved that among free men, there 
can be no successful appeal from the ballot to the bul- 
let, and that they who take such appeal are sure to 
lose their case and pay the cost. And there will be 
some black men who can remember that with silent 
tongue, and clinched teeth, and steady eve, and well 
poised bayonet, they have helped mankind on to this 
great consummation; while I fear there will be some 
white men unable to forget that with malignant and 
deceitful speech they have striven to hinder it. 

Still, let us not be over-sanguine of a speedy final 
triumph. Let us be quite sober. Let us diligently 
apply the means, never doubting that a just God, in 
his own good time, will give us the rightful result. 
Yours very truly, A. Lincoln. 

Instructions to General Schofield. 
Executive Mansion, Washington, Oct. 1, 1863. 

General John 31. Schofield: — There is no organized 
military force in avowed opposition to the general 
government now in Missouri, and if any shall reap- 
pear, your duty in regard to it w T ill be too plain to re- 
quire any special instruction. Still, the condition of 
things, both there and elsewhere, is such as to render 
it indispensable to maintain, for a time, the United 
States military establishment in that state, as w T ell as 
to rely upon it for a fair contribution of support to 
that establishment generally. Your immediate duty 
in regard to Missouri now is to advance the efficiency 
of that establishment, and to use it, as far as practicable 
to compel the excited people there to let one another 
alone. 

Under your recent order, which I have approved, 



312 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 

you will only arrest individuals, and suppress assem- 
blies or newspapers, when they may be working pal- 
pable injury to the military in your charge ; and in no 
other case will you interfere with the expression of 
opinion in any form, or allow it to be interfered with 
violently by others. In this you have a discretion to 
exercise with great caution, calmness and forbearance. 

With the mattei- of removing the inhabitants of 
certain counties en masse, and of removing certain in- 
dividuals from time to time, who are supposed to be 
mischievous, I am not now interfering, but am leav- 
ing to your own discretion. 

Nor am I interfering with what may still seem to 
you to be necessary restrictions upon trade and inter- 
course. I think proper, however, to enjoin upon you 
the following: Allow no part of the military under 
your command to be engaged in either returning fugi- 
tive slaves, or in forcing or enticing slaves from their 
homes ; and, as far as practicable, enforce the same 
forbearance upon the people. 

Report to me your opinion upon the availability for 
good of the enrolled militia of the state. Allow no 
one to enlist colored troops, except upon orders from 
you, or from here through you. 

Allow no one to assume the functions of confiscat- 
ing property, under the law of Congress, or other- 
wise, except upon orders from here. 

At elections see that those, and only those, are al- 
lowed to vote, who are entitled to do so by the laws 
of Missouri, including as of those laws the restrictions 
laid by the Missouri convention upon those who may 
have participated in the rebellion. 



PEN AND VOICE. 313 

So far as practicable, you will, by means of your 
military force, expel guerrillas, marauders and mur- 
derers, and all who are known to harbor, aid, or abet 
them. But in like manner you will repress assump- 
tions of unauthorized individuals to perform the same 
service, because under pretense of doing this they be- 
come marauders and murderers themselves. 

To now restore peace, let the military obey orders; 
and those not of the military leave each other alone, 
thus not breaking the peace themselves. 

In giving the above directions, it is not intended to 
restrain you in other expedient and necessary matters 
not falling within their range. 

Your obedieut servant, A. Lincoln. 

Proclamation, October 3, 1863. 

The year that is drawing toward its close has been 
tilled with the blessings of fruitful fields and healthful 
skies. 

To these bounties, which are so constantly enjoyed 
that we are prone to forget the source from which 
they come, others have been added which are of so 
extraordinary a nature that they can not fail to pen- 
etrate and soften even the heart which is habitually 
insensible to the ever watchful Providence of Al- 
mighty God. 

In the midst of a civil war of unparalleled magnitude 
and severity, which has sometimes seemed to invite 
and provoke the aggressions of foreign states, peace 
has been preserved with all nations, order has been 
maintained, the laws have been respected and obeyed, 
27 



314 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 

and harmony has prevailed every- where except in the 
theater of military conflict, while that theater lias 
been greatly contracting by the advancing armies and 
navies of the Union. 

The needful diversion of wealth and strength from 
the fields of peaceful industry to the national defense, 
has not arrested the plow, the shuttle, or the ship. 

The ax has enlarged the borders of our settlements, 
and the mines, as well of iron and coal as of the 
precious metals, have yielded even more abundantly 
than heretofore. Population has steadily increased, 
notwithstanding the waste that has been made in the 
camp, the seige, and the battle field ; and the country, 
rejoicing in the consciousness of augmented strength 
and vigor, is permitted to expect a continuance of 
years, with large increase of freedom. 

No human council hath devised, nor hath any mor- 
tal hand worked out these great things. They are 
the gracious gifts of the most High God, who, while 
dealing with us in anger for our sins, hath neverthe- 
less remembered mercy. 

It has seemed to me fit and proper that they should 
be solemnly, reverently, and gratefully acknowledged, 
as with one heart and voice, by the whole American 
people. I do, therefore, invite my fellow-citizens in 
every part of the United States, and also those who 
are at sea, and those who are sojourning in foreign 
lands, to set apart and observe the last Thursday of 
November next as a day of thanksgiving and prayer 
to our beneficent Father, who dwelleth in the heavens ; 
and I recommend to them that while offering up the 
ascriptions justly due to Him, for such singular deliv- 



PEN AND VOICE. 315 

erances and blessings, they tin also, with humble 
penitence for our national perverseness and disobedi- 
ence, commend to His tender care all those who have 
become widows, orphans, mourners, or sufferers in the 
lamentable civil strife in which we arc unavoidably 
engaged, and fervently implore the interposition of 
the Almighty hand to heal the wounds of the nation, 
and to restore it, as soon as may be consistent with 
the Divine purposes, to the full enjoyment of peace, 
harmony, tranquillity, and union. 

In testimony whereof, I have' hereunto set my hand, 
and caused the seal of the United States to be affixed. 

Done at the City of Washington, this third day of 
October; in the year of our Lord eighteen hundred 
and sixty-threee, and of the independence of the 
United States the eighty-eighth. A. Lincoln. 

To General Rosecrans. 

October 4, 18G3. 
Yours of yesterday received. If we can hold 
Chattanooga and East Tennessee, I think the re- 
bellion must dwindle and die. I think you and 
Burnside can do this, and hence doing so is your 
main object. Of course, to greatly damage or de- 
stroy the enemy in your front would be a greater 
object, because it would include the former, and 
more; but it is not so certainly within your power. 
I understand the main body of the enemy is very 
near you — so near that you could " board at home," 
so to speak, and menace or attack him any day. 
Would not the doing of this be your best mode of 
counteracting his raids on your communications? 



31 G ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 

But this is not an order. I intend doing something- 
like what von suggest whenever the case shall appear 
ripe enough to have it accepted in the true under- 
standing:: rather than as a confession of weakness 
and fear. A. Lincoln. 

To Hon. Charles Drake and Others, Committee. 
Executive Mansion, Washington, October 5, 1863. 

Gentlemen : — Your original address,, presented on 
the 30th ult., and the four supplementary ones, pre- 
sented on the 3d inst.,have been carefully considered. 
I hope you will regard the other duties claiming my 
attention, together with the great length and impor- 
tance of these documents, as constituting a sufficient 
apology for my not having responded sooner. 

These papers, framed for a common object, consist 
of the things demanded, and the reasons for demand- 
ing them. The things demanded are : 

First — That General Schofield shall be relieved and 
General Butler be appointed as commander of the 
Military Department of Missouri ; 

Second — That the system of enrolled militia in Mis- 
souri may be broken up, and national forces be sub- 
stituted for it ; and, 

Third — That at elections persons may not be al- 
lowed to vote who are not entitled by law to do so. 

Among the reasons given, enough of suffer'rng and 
wrong to Union men is certainly, and I suppose truly, 
stated. Yet the whole case, as presented, fails to 
convince me that General Schofield, or the enrolled 
militia, is responsible for that suffering and wrong. 



PEN AND VOICE. 317 

The whole can be explained on a more charitable, 
and, as I think, a more rational, hypothesis. 

We are in civil war. In such cases there always is 
a main question; but in this case that question is a 
perplexing compound — Union and slavery. It thus 
becomes a question, not of two sides merely, but of 
at least four sides, even among those who are for the 
Union, saying nothing of those who are against it. 
Tli us, those who are for the Union with but not with- 
out slavery; those for it without but not with; those 
for it with or without, but prefer it with; and those for 
it with or without, but prefer it without. 

Among these, again, is a subdivision of those who 
are for gradual but not for immediate, and those who 
are for immediate but not for gradual, extinction of 
slavery. It is easy to conceive that all these shades 
of opinion, and even more, may be sincerely enter- 
tained by honest and truthful men. Yet, all being 
for the Union, by reason of these differences each 
will prefer a different way of sustaining the Union. 
At once sincerity is questioned and motives are as- 
sailed. Actual war coming, blood grows hot and 
blood is spilled. Thought is forced from old chan- 
nels into confusion. Deception breeds and thrives. 
Confidence dies, and universal suspicion reigns. Each 
man feels an impulse to kill his neighbor, lest he be 
killed by him. Revenge and retaliation follow. 
And all this, as before said, may be among honest 
men only. But this is not all. Every foul bird 
comes abroad, and every dirty reptile rises up. These 
add crime to confusion. Strong measures, deemed 
indispensable but harsh at best, such nieu make worse 



318 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 

by mal-administration. Murders for old grudges and 
murders for pelf proceed under any cloak that will 
best serve for the occasion. 

These causes amply account for what has occurred 
in Missouri, without ascribing it to the weakness or 
wickedness of any general. The newspaper files, 
those chroniclers of current events, will show that 
the evils now complained of were quite as prevalent 
under Fremont, Hunter, Halleck, and Curtis, as under 
Schofield. If the former had greater force opposed 
to them, they also had greater force with which to 
meet it. "When the organized rebel army left the 
state, the main Federal force had to go also, leaving 
the department commander at home relatively no 
stronger than before. Without disparaging any, I 
affirm with confidence that no commander of that 
department has, in proportion to his means, done 
better than General Schofield. 

The first specific charge against General Schofield 
is, that the enrolled militia was placed under his com- 
mand, whereas it had not been placed under the com- 
mand of General Curtis. The fact is, I believe, true; 
but you do not point out, nor can I conceive, how 
that did, or could, injure loyal men or the Union 
cause. You charge that General Curtis being super- 
seded by General Schofield, Franklin A. Dick was 
superseded by James 0. Brodhead as provost-mar- 
shal-general. !N"o very specific showing is made as 
to how this did or could injure the Union cause. It 
recalls, however, the condition of things, as presented 
to me, which led to a change of commander of that 
department. 



PEN AND VOICE. 319 

To restrain contraband intelligence and trade, a 
system of searches, seizures, permits, and passes had 
been introduced, I think, by General Fremont. 
"When General Ilalleck came, he found and contin- 
ued the system, and added an order, applicable to 
some parts of the state, to levy and collect contribu- 
tions from noted rebels, to compensate losses and re- 
lieve destitution caused by the rebellion. The action 
of General Fremont and General Ilalleck, as stated, 
contributed a sort of system which General Curtis 
found in full o-peration when he took command of 
the department. That there was a necessity for 
something of the sort was clear; but that it could 
only be justified by stern necessity, and that it was 
liable to great abuse in administration, was equally 
clear. Agents to execute it, contrary to the great 
prayer, were led into temptation. Some might, 
while others would not, resist that temptation. It 
was not possible to hold any to a very strict account- 
ability ; and those yielding to the temptation would 
sell permits and passes to those who would pay most 
and most readily for them, and would seize property 
and collect levies in the aptest way to fill their own 
pockets. Money being the object, the man having 
money, whether loyal or disloyal, would be a victim. 
This practice doubtless existed to some extent, and it 
was a real additional evil that it could be, and was 
plausibly charged to exist in greater extent than it 
did. 

"When General Curtis took command of the depart- 
ment, Mr. Dick, against whom I never knew any 
thing to allege, had general charge of this system. 



320 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 

A controversy in regard to it rapidly grew into al- 
most unmanageable proportions. One side ignored 
the necessity, and magnified the evils of the system, 
while the other ignored the evils, and magnified the 
necessity ; and each bitterly assailed the other. I 
could not fail to see that the controversy enlarged in 
the same proportion as the professed Union men 
there distinctly took sides in two opposing political 
parties. I exhausted my wits, and very nearly my 
patience also, in efforts to convince both that the evils 
they charged on each other were inherent in the 
case, and could not be cured by giving either party a 
victory over the other. 

Plainly, the irritating system was not to be per- 
petual ; and it was plausibly urged that it could be 
modified at once with advantage. The case could 
scarcely be worse, and whether it could be made bet- 
ter could only be determined by a trial. In this 
view, and not to ban or brand General Curtis, or to 
give a victory to any party, I made the change of 
commander for the department. I now learn that 
soon after this change Mr. Dick was removed, and 
that Mr. Brodhead, a gentleman of no less good 
character, was put in the place. The mere fact of 
this change is more distinctly complained of than is 
any conduct of the new officer, or other consequence 
of the change. 

I gave the new commander no instructions as to 
the administration of the system mentioned, beyond 
what is contained in the private letter afterward sur- 
reptitiously published, in which I directed him to act 



PEN AND VOICE. 321 

solely for the public good, and independently of both 
parties. 

Neither any thing you have presented me, nor any 
thing I have otherwise learned, has convinced me 
that he has been unfaithful to this charge. 

Imbecility is urged as one cause for removing 
General Schofield, and the late massacre at Lawrence, 
Kansas, is pressed as an evidence of that imbecility. 
To my mind, that fact scarcely tends to prove the 
proposition. That massacre is only an example of 
what Grierson, John Morgan, and many others, 
might have repeatedly done on their respective raids, 
had they chosen to incur the personal hazard, and 
possessed the fiendish hearts to do it. 

The charge is made that General Schofield, on 
purpose to protect the Lawrence murderers, would 
not allow them to be pursued into Missouri. While 
no punishment could be too sudden or too severe for 
those murderers, I am well satisfied that the prevent- 
ing of the threatened remedial raid into Missouri was 
the ouly way to avoid an indiscriminate massacre 
there, including probably more innocent than guilty. 
Instead of condemning, I therefore approve what I 
understand General Schofield did in that respect. 

The charge that General Schofield has purposely 
withheld protection from loyal people, and purposely 
facilitated the objects of the disloyal, are altogether 
beyond my belief. I do not arraign the veracity of 
gentlemen as to the facts complained of, but I do 
more than question the judgment which would infer 
that these facts occurred in accordance with the pur- 
poses of General Schofield. 



322 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 

With my present views, I must decline to remove 
General Sehofield. In this I decide nothing against 
General Butler. I sincerely wish it were convenient 
to assign him a suitable command. 

In order to meet some existing evils, I have ad- 
dressed a letter of instruction to General Sehofield, a 
copy of which I inclose you. As to the " enrolled 
militia," I shall endeavor to ascertain, better than I 
now know, what is its exact value. Let me say now, 
however, that your proposal to substitute national 
force for the " enrolled militia" implies that, in your 
judgment, the latter is doing something which needs 
to be done ; and if so, the proposition to throw that 
force aAvay, to supply its place by bringing other 
forces from the field, where they are urgently needed, 
seems to me very extraordinary. Whence shall they 
come? Shall they be withdrawn from Banks, or 
Grant, or Steele, or Rosecrans? 

Few things have been so grateful to my anxious 
feelings as when, in June last, the local force in Mis- 
souri aided General Sehofield to so promptly send a 
large general force to the relief of General Grant, 
then investing Vicksburg, and menaced from without 
by General Johnston. Was this all wrong? Should 
the enrolled militia then have been broken up, and 
General Heron kept from Grant to police Missouri? 
So far from finding cause to object, I confess to a 
sympathy for whatever relieves our general force in 
Missouri, and allows it to serve elsewhere. I there- 
fore, as at present advised, can not attempt the de- 
struction of the enrolled militia of Missouri. 

I may add, that the force being under the national 



PEN AND VOICE 323 

military control, it is also within the proclamation 
with regard to the haheas corpus. I concur in the 
propriety of your request, in regard to elections, and 
have, as you see, directed General Schofield ac- 
cordingly. 

I do not feel justified to cuter upon the broad field 
you present, in regard to the political differences be- 
tween radicals and conservatives. From time to time 
1 have done and said what appeared to me proper to 
do and say. The public knows it well. It obliges 
nobody to follow me, ami I trust it obliges me to fol- 
low nobody. The radicals and conservatives each 
agree with me in some things and disagree in others. 
I could wish both to agree with me in all things; for 
then they would agree with each other, and would be 
too strong for any foe from any quarter. They, how- 
ever, choose to do otherwise; and I do not question 
their right. I too shall do what seems to be my duty. 
I hold whoever commands in Missouri or elsewhere 
responsible to me, and not to either radicals or con- 
servatives. It is my duty to hear all ; but, at last, I 
must within my sphere, judge what to do and what to 
forbear. Your obedient servant, A. Lincoln. 

The President to Tiiurlow Weed. 

Washington, October 14, 1863. 
Dear Sir : — I have been brought to fear recently 
that somehow, by commission or omission, I have 
caused you some degree of pain. I have never enter- 
tained an unkind feeling or a disparaging thought 
toward you; and if I have said or done any thing 



324 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 

which has been construed into such unkindness or 
disparagement, it has been misconstrued. 

I am sure if we could meet, we would not part with 
any unpleasant impression on either side. 

Yours truly, A. Lincoln. 

Washington, D. C, October 27, 1863. 

In June last, a division was substantially lost at, 
and near Winchester, Va. At the time, it was under 
General Milroy as immediate commander in the field, 
General Schenck as department commander at Balti- 
more, and General Halleck as General-in-Chief, at 
Washington. 

General Milroy, as immediate commander, was put 
in arrest, and subsequently a court of inquiry ex- 
amined chiefly with reference to disobedience of 
orders, and reported the evidence. 

The foregoing is a synoptical statement of the evi- 
dence, together with the Judge-Advocate-General's 
conclusions. The disaster, when it came, was a sur- 
prise to all. It was very well known to Generals 
Schenck and Milroy for some time, before that, Gen- 
eral Halleck thought the division was in great danger 
of a surprise at Winchester; that it was of no service 
commensurate with the risk it incurred, and that it 
ought to be withdrawn ; but, although, he more than 
once advised its withdrawel, he never positively or- 
dered it. General Schenck, on the contrary, believed 
the service of the force at Winchester was worth the 
hazard, and so did not positively order its withdrawal 
until it was so late that, the enemy cut the wire and 
prevented the order reaching General Milroy. General 



PEN AND VOICE. 325 

Milroy seems to have concurred with General Schenck 
in the opinion that the force should be kept at Win- 
chester, at least until the approach of danger, but he 
disobeyed no order upon the subject. 

Some question can he made whether some of Gen- 
eral Halleek's dispatches to General Schenck should 
not have been construed to be orders to withdraw the 
force and obeyed accordingly ; but, no such question 
can be made against General Milroy. In fact, the last 
order he received was to be prepared to withdraw, 
but not to actually withdraw until further orders, 
which further order never reached him. 

Serious blame is not necessarily due to any serious 
disaster, and I can not say that in this case, any of the 
officers are deserving of serious blame. 

No court-martial is deemed necessary or proper in 
this case. A. Lincoln.. 

Private and Confidential. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, 0<-t. 28, 1803. 

General John 31. Schojield: — There have recently 
reached the War Department, and thence been laid 
before me, from Missouri, three communications, all 
similar in import and identical in object. 

One of them addressed to nobody and without 
place or date, but having the signature of (apparent I v) 
the writer, is a letter of eight closely written fools- 
cap pages. The other two are written by a different 
person, at St. Joseph, Mo., and of the dates, re- 
spectively, October 12 and 13, 1863, and each inclos- 
ing a large number of affidavits. The general state- 
ment of the whole are that the Federal and state 



326 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 

authorities are arming the disloyal and disarming the 
loyal, and that the latter will all he killed and driven 
out of the state unless there shall be a change. In 
particular, no loyal man who has been disarmed is 
named, but the affidavits show by name forty-two 
persons as disloyal who have been armed. 

A majority of these are shown to have been in the 
rebel service. I believe it could be shown that the 
government here has deliberately armed more than 
ten times as many captured at Gettysburg, to say 
nothing of similar operations in East Tennessee. 

These papers contain altogether thirty-one manu- 
script pages, and one newspaper in extenso, and yet I 
do not tind it anywhere charged in them that any 
loyal man has been harmed by reason of being dis- 
armed, or that any disloyal one has harmed anybody 
by reason of being armed by the Federal or state 
government. Of course, I have not had time to care- 
fully examine all, but I have had most of them ex- 
amined and briefed by others, and the result is as 
stated. The remarkable fact that the actual evil is 
yet only anticipated — inferred — induces me to sup- 
pose I understand the case; but I do not state my 
impression, because I might be mistaken, and because 
your duty and mine is plain in any event. The 
locality of nearly all this seems to be St. Joseph and 
Buchanan county. 

I wish you to give special attention to this region, 
particularly on election day. Prevent violence from 
whatever quarter, and see that the soldiers them- 
selves do no wrong. Yours truly, 

A. Lincoln. 



pen and voice. 327 

Reply of President Lincoln on the Re- Admission of 
Louisiana. 

Fall of 1863. 

Messrs. E. E. Motriol, Bradit, Johnston, and Thomas 
Gottsman: Gentlemen — Since receiving the letter, re- 
liable information Las reached me that a respectable 
portion of the Louisiana people desire to amend their 
state constitution, and contemplate holding a con- 
vention for that object. This fact alone, as it seems 
to me, is a sufficient reason why the general govern- 
ment should not give the committee the authority 
you seek to act under tire existing state constitution. 
I may add that while I do not perceive how such a 
committee could facilitate our military operations in 
Louisiana, I really apprehend it might be so used as 
to embarrass them. 

As to an election to be held in November, there is 
abundant time without any order or proclamation 
from me just now. The people of Louisiana shall 
not lack an opportunity for a fair election for both 
Federal and state officers by want of any thing within 
my power to give them. 

Your obedient servant, A. Lincoln. 

To the Honorable House of Representatives. 
In compliance with the request contained in your 
resolution of the 29th ultimo, a copy of which resolu- 
tion is herewith returned, I have the honor to trans- 
mit the following: 

Executive Mansion, Washington, Nov. 2, 1863. 
Hon. Montgomery Blair: My Dear Sir — Some days 



328 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 

ago I understood you to say that your brother, Gen- 
eral Frank Blair, desired to be guided by my wishes 
as to whether he will occupy his seat in Congress or 
remain in the field. 

My wish, then, is compounded of what I believe 
will be best for the country; and it is that he will 
come here, put his military commission in my hands, 
take his seat, go into caucus with our friends, abide 
the nominations, help elect the nominees, and thus 
aid to organize a House of Representatives which 
will really support the government in the war. 

If the result shall be the, election of himself as 
speaker, let him serve in that position. If not, let 
him retake his commission:, and return to the army 
tor the benefit of the country. This will heal a dan- 
gerous schism for him. It will relieve him from a 
dangerous position or a misunderstanding, as I think 
he is in danger of being permanently separated from 
those with whom only he can ever have a real sym- 
pathy — the sincere opponents of slavery. 

It will be a mistake if he shall allow the provoca- 
tion offered him by insincere time-servers to drive 
him from the house of his own building. He is 
young yet. He has abundant talents — quite enough 
to occupy all his time without devoting any to tem- 
per. He is rising in military skill and usefulness. 
His recent appointment to the command of a corps, 
by one so competent to judge as General Sherman, 
proves this. 

In that line he can serve both the country and 
himself more profitably than he could as a member 
of Congress upon the floor. The foregoing is what X 



PEN AND VOICE. 329 

would say if Frank Blair was my brother instead of 
yours. A. Lincoln. 

Address at the Dedication of Gettysburg Cemetery, 
November 19, 1863. 
Fourscore and seven years ago our fathers brought 
forth upon this continent a new nation, conceived in 
liberty, and dedicated to the proposition that all men 
are created free and equal. ISTow we are engaged in 
a great civil war, testing whether that nation, or any 
nation so conceived and so dedicated, can long en- 
dure. We are met on a great battle field of that war. 
We have come to dedicate a portion of that field as a 
final resting-place for those who here gave their lives 
that that nation might live. It is altogether fitting 
and proper that we should do this. But in a larger 
sense we can not dedicate, we can not consecrate, we 
can not hallow, this ground. The brave men, living 
and dead, who struggled here, have consecrated it far 
above our power to add or detract. The world will 
little note, nor long remember, what we say here, but 
it can never forget what they did here. It is for us, 
the living, rather to be dedicated here to the unfin- 
ished work which they who fought here have thus 
far so nobly advanced. It is rather for us to be here 
dedicated to the great task remaining before us, that 
from these honored dead we take increased devotion 
to that cause for which they gave the last full meas- 
ure of devotion ; that we here highly resolve that 
these dead shall not have died in vain, that this na- 
tion, under God, shall have a new birth of freedom, 
28 



330 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 

and that the government of the people, hy the people, 
and for the people, shall not perish from the earth. 

This finds an echo in the following ever-to-be-re- 
membered words of Daniel Webster, in his reply to 
Ilayne, in the United States Senate, January 26, 
1830: 

""When my eyes turn to behold for the last time 
the sun in heaven, may they not see him shining on 
the broken and dishonored fragments of a once glori- 
ous Union; on states dissevered, discordant, belliger- 
ent; on a land rent with civil feuds; or drenched, it 
may be, in fraternal blood. Let their last feeble and 
lingering glance rather behold the gorgeous ensign 
of the republic, now known and honored throughout 
the earth, still full high advanced; its arms and 
trophies streaming in all their original luster; not a 
stripe erased or polluted; not a single star obscured; 
bearing for its motto no such miserable interrogatory 
as ' What is all this worth ? ' nor those other words 
of delusion and folly, of liberty first and union after- 
ward, but every- where, spread all over in characters 
of living light, and blazing on all its ample folds, as 
they float over the sea and over the land, and in 
every wind under the whole heavens, that other sen- 
timent dear to every American heart — ' Liberty and 
Union— -now and forever — one and inseparable.' ' : 

President Lincoln's Third Annual Message. 

December 8, 1863. 
Fellow-citizens of the Senate and House of Represent- 
atives: — Another year of health and of sufficiently 
abundant harvests has passed. For these, and es- 



PEN AND VOICE. 331 

pecially for the improved condition of our national 
attains, our renewed and profoundest gratitude to 
God is due. 

"We remain in peace and friendship with foreign 
powers. 

The efforts of disloyal citizens of the United States 
to involve us in foreign wars, to aid an inexcusable 
insurrection, have been unavailing. Her Britannic 
Majesty's government, as was justly expected, have 
exercised their authority to prevent the departure of 
new hostile expeditions from British ports. The Enir 
peror of France has, by a like proceeding, promptly 
vindicated the neutrality which he proclaimed at the 
beginning of the contest. Questions of great intri- 
cacy and importance have arisen out of the blockade 
and other belligerent operations, between the govern- 
ment and several of the maritime powers, but they 
have been discussed, and, as far as possible, accom- 
modated in a spirit of frankness, justice, and mutual 
good-will. It is especially gratifying that our prize 
courts, by the impartiality of their adjudications, 
have commanded the respect and confidence of mari- 
time powers. . . . 

Incidents occurring in the progress of our civil 
Avar have forced upon my attention the uncertain 
state of international questions touching the rights 
of foreigners in this country and of United States 
citizens abroad. In regard to some governments, 
these rights are at le-ast parti all}' defined by treaties. 
In no instance, however, is it expressly stipulated 
that in the event of civil war a foreigner residing in 
this country, within the lines of. the insurgents, is to 



332 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 

be exempted from the rule which classes him as a 
belligerent, in whose behalf the government of his 
country can not expect any privileges or immunities 
distinct from that character. I regret to say, how- 
ever, that such claims have been put forward, and, in 
some instances, in behalf of foreigners who have 
lived in the United States the greater part of their 
lives. . . . 

When Congress assembled a year ago the war had 
already lasted nearly twenty months, and there had 
been many conflicts on both land and sea, with vary- 
ing results. 

The rebellion had been pushed back into reduced 
limits; yet the tone of public feeling and opinion, at 
home and abroad, was not satisfactory. With other 
signs, the popular elections, then just past, indicated 
uneasiness among ourselves, while amid much that 
was cold and menacing, the kindest words coming 
from Europe were uttered in accents of pity, that we 
were too blind to surrender a hopeless cause. 

Our commerce was suffering greatly by a few armed 
vessels built upon and furnished from foreign shores, 
and we were threatened with such additions from the 
same quarter as would sweep our trade from the sea 
and raise our blockade. We had failed to elicit from 
European governments any thing hopeful upon this 
subject. The preliminary emancipation proclamation, 
issued in September, was running its assigned period 
to the beginning of the new year. A month later the 
final proclamation came, including the announcement 
that colored men of suitable condition would be re- 
ceived into the war service. The policy of emancipa- 



PEN AND VOICE. 333 

tiori, and of employing black soldiers, gave to the 
future a new aspect, about which hope, and fear, and 
doubt contended in uncertain conflict. According to 
our political system, as a matter of civil administration, 
the general government had no lawful power to effect 
emancipation in any state, and for a long time it had 
been hoped that the rebellion could be suppressed 
without resorting to it as a military measure. It was 
all the while deemed possible that the necessity for it 
might come, and that if it should, the crisis of the 
contest would then be presented. It came, and, as 
was anticipated, it was followed by dark and doubtful 
days. Eleven months have now passed, we are per- 
mitted to take another view. The rebel borders are 
pressed still further back, and by the complete opening 
of the Mississippi, the country dominated by the re- 
bellion is divided into distinct parts, with no practical 
communication between them. Tennessee and Ar- 
kansas have been substantially cleared of insurgent 
control, and influential citizens in each, owners of 
slaves and advocates of slavery at the beginning of 
the rebellion, now declare openly for emancipation in 
their respective states. 

Of those states not included in the emancipation 
proclamation, Maryland and Missouri, neither of 
which three years ago would tolerate any restraint 
upon the extension of slavery, into new territories, 
only dispute now as to the best mode of removing it 
within their own limits. 

Of those who were slaves at the beginning of the 
rebellion, full one hundred thousand are now in the 
United States military service, about one half of 



334 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 

which number actually bear arms in the ranks, thus 
giving the double advantage of taking so much labor 
from the insurgent cause, and supplying the places 
which otherwise must be filled with so many white 
men. So far as tested, it is difficult to say they are 
not as good soldiers as any. No servile insurrection 
or tendency to violence or cruelty, has marked the 
measures of emancipation and arming the blacks. 
These measures have been much discussed, in foreign 
countries, and contemporary with such discussion 
the tone of public sentiment there is much improved. 
At home the same measures have been fully discussed, 
supported, criticised and denounced, and the annual 
elections following are highly encouraging to those 
whose official duty it is to bear the country through 
this great trial. Thus we have the new reckoning. 
The crisis which threatened to divide the friends of 
the Union is past. 

Looking now at the present and future, and with 
reference to a resumption of the national authority 
within the states wherein that authority has been sus- 
pended, I have thought fit to issue a proclamation, a 
copy of which is herewith transmitted. On examina- 
tion of this proclamation it will appear, as is believed, 
that nothing will be attempted beyond what is simply 
justified by the Constitution. True, the form of an 
oath is given, but no man is coerced to take it. The 
man is only promised a pardon in case he voluntarily 
takes the oath. The Constitution authorizes the Ex- 
ecutive to grant or withhold the pardon at his own 
absolute discretion, and this includes the power to 
grant on terms, as is fully established by judicial and 



PEN AND VOICE. 335 

other authorities. It is also proffered that if, in any 
of the states named, a state government shall be, in 
the mode prescribed, set up, such government shall be 
recognized and guaranteed by the United States, and 
that under it the state shall, on constitutional con- 
ditions, be protected against invasion and domestic 
violence. The constitutional obligation of the United 
States, to guarantee to every state in the Union a re- 
publican form of government, and to protect the state 
in the cases stated, is explicit and full. But why ten- 
der the benefits of this provision only to a state 
government set up in tins particular way? This sec- 
tion of the Constitution contemplates a ease wherein 
the element within a state, favorable to republican 
government, in the Union, may be too feeble for an 
opposite and hostile element external to or even with- 
in the state ; and such are precisely the cases with 
which we are now dealing. An attempt to guarantee 
and protect a revived state government, constructed 
in whole, or in preponderating part, from the very 
element against whose hostility and violence it is to 
be protected, is simply absurd. There must be a test 
by which to separate the opposing elements, so as to 
build only from the sound, and that test is a sufficient- 
ly liberal one which accepts as sound whoever will 
make a sworn recantation of his former unsoundness. 
But if it be proper to recpiire as a test of admission 
to the political body, an oath of allegiance to the Con- 
stitution of the United States, and to the Union un- 
der it, why also to the laws and proclamations in 
regard to slavery ? Those laws and proclamations 
were enacted and put forth for the purpose of aiding 



336 Abraham Lincoln's 

in the suppression of the rebellion. To give them 
their fullest effect, there had to be a pledge for their 
maintenance. In my judgment they have aided, and 
will further aid, the cause for which they were in- 
tended. To now abandon them would be not only to 
relinquish a lever of power, but would also be a cruel 
and astounding breach of faith. I may add at this 
point, that while I remain in my present position I 
shall not attempt to retract or modify the emancipa- 
tion proclamation, nor shall I return to slavery any 
person who is free by the terms of that proclamation, 
or by any of the acts of Congress. 

For these and other reasons it is thought best that 
support of these measures shall be included in the 
oath ; and it is believed the executive may lawfully 
elaim it in return for pardon and restoration of for- 
feited rights, which he has clear constitutional pow- 
er to withhold altogether, or grant upon the terms 
which he shall deem wisest for the public interest. 

It should be observed, also, that this part of the 
oath is subject to the modifying and abrogating power 
of legislation and supreme judicial decision. 

The proposed acquiescence of the national executive 
in any reasonable temporary state arrangement for 
the freed people is made with the view of possibly 
modifying the confusion and destitution which must 
at best attend all classes by a total revolution of labor 
throughout whole states. 

It is hoped that the already deeply afflicted people 
in those states may be somewhat more ready to give 
up the cause of their affliction, if, to this extent, this 
vital matter be left to themselves ; while no power of 



PEN AND VOICE. 837 

the national executive to prevent an abuse is abridged 
'by the proposition. 

The suggestion in the proclamation as to maintain- 
ing the political frame-work of the states on what is 
called reconstruction, is made in the hope that it may 
do good without the danger of harm. It will save 
labor, and avoid great confusion. 

But why any proclamation now upon the subject? 
This question is beset with the conflicting views that 
the step might be delayed too long or be taken too 
soon. In some states the elements for resumption seem 
ready for action, but remain inactive, apparently for 
want of a rallying point — a plan of action. Why shall 
A adopt the plan of B rather than B that of A ? And 
if A and B should agree, how can they know but that 
the general government here will reject their plan? 
By the proclamation a plan is presented which may 
be accepted by them as a rallying point, and which 
they are assured in advance will not be rejected here. 
This may bring them to act sooner than they other- 
wise would. 

The objection to a premature presentation of a plan 
by the national executive consists in the danger of 
committals on points which could be more safely left 
to further developments. 

Care has been taken to so shape the document as to 
avoid embarrassments from this source. Saying that 
in certain terms, certain classes will be pardoned, with 
rights restored, it is not said that other classes, or 
other terms will never be included. Saying that re- 
construction will be accepted if presented in a speci- 
29 



338 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 

fied way, it is not said it will never be accepted in any 
other way. 

The movements, by state action, for emancipation 
in several of the states, not included in the emancipa- 
tion proclamation, are matters of profound gratula- 
tion. And while I do not repeat in detail what I have 
heretofore so earnestly urged upon this subject, my 
general views and feelings remain unchanged ; and I 
trust that Congress will omit no fair opportunity of 
aiding these important steps to a great consummation. 

In the midst of other cares, however important, we 
must not lose sight of the fact that the war power is 
still our main reliance. To that power alone we 
can look yet for a time, to give confidence to the 
people in the contested regions, that the insurgent 
power will not again overrun them. Until that con- 
fidence shall be established, little can be done any- 
where for what is called reconstruction. 

Hence our chiefest care must be directed to the 
army and navy, who have thus far borne their harder 
part so nobly and well. And it may be esteemed 
fortunate that in giving the greatest efficiency to 
these indispensable arms, we do also honorably recog- 
nize the gallant men, from commander to sentinel, 
who compose them, and to whom, more than to 
others, the world must stand indebted for the home 
of freedom disenthralled, regenerated, enlarged and 
perpetuated. A. Lincoln. 

Proclamation of Amnesty. 

December 8, 1863. 
Whereas, in and by the Constitution of the United 



PEN AND VOICE. 339 

States, it is provided that the president " shall have 
power to grant reprieves and pardons for offenses 
against the United States, except in cases of impeach- 
ment ;" and whereas a rebellion now exists whereby 
the loyal state governments of several states have for 
a long time been subverted, and many persons have 
committed and are now guilty of treason, against the 
United States, and whereas, with reference to such 
rebellion and treason, laws have been enacted by 
Congress declaring forfeitures and confiscation of 
property and liberation of slaves, all upon terms and 
conditions therein stated, and also declaring that the 
president was thereby authorized at any time there- 
after, by proclamation, to extend to persons who may 
have participated in the existing rebellion, in any 
state or part thereof, pardon and amnesty with such 
exceptions and at such times and on such conditions 
as he may deem expedient for the public welfare ; 
and whereas, the congressional declaration and limited 
and conditional pardon accords with well established 
judicial exposition of the pardoning power; and 
whereas, with reference to said rebellion, the Presi- 
dent of the United States has issued several procla- 
mations, with provisions in regard to the liberation 
of slaves ; and whereas, it is now desired by some 
persons heretofore engaged in said rebellion to resume 
their allegiance to the United States, and to reinau- 
gurate loyal state governments within and for their 
respective states : 

Therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the 
United States, do proclaim,"declare, and make known 
to all persons who have directly, or by implication, 



340 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 

participated in the existing rebellion, except as here- 
inafter excepted, that a full pardon is hereby granted 
to them and each of them, with restoration of all 
rights and property, except as to slaves, and in prop- 
erty cases where rights of third parties shall have 
intervened, and upon the condition that every such 
person shall take and subscribe an oath, and thence- 
forward keep and maintain such oath inviolate ; and 
which oath shall be registered for permanent preser- 
vation, and shall be of the tenor and effect following, 
to wit : 

" I, , do solemnly swear, in presence of 

Almighty God, that I will henceforth faithfully sup- 
port, protect and defend the Constitution of the 
United States, and the union of the states thereunder ; 
and that I will, in like manner, abide by and faith- 
fully support all acts of Congress passed during the 
existing rebellion with reference to slaves, so long 
and so far as not repealed, modified, or held void by 
Congress, or by decision of the Supreme Court ; and 
that I will, in like manner, abide by and faithfully 
support, all proclamations of the president made 
during the existing rebellion having reference to 
slaves, so long and so far as not modified or declared 
void by decision of the Supreme Court. So help me 
God. 1 ' 

The persons excepted from the benefits of the fore- 
going provisions are all who are, or shall have been, 
civil or diplomatic officers or agents of the so-called 
Confederate government; all who have left judicial 
stations under the United- States to aid the rebellion ; 
all who are, or shall have been, military or navy 



PEN AND VOICE. 341 

officers of said so-caMed Confederate government 
above the rank of colonel in the army, or of lieutenant 
in the navy ; all who left seats in the United States 
Congress to aid the rebellion ; all who resigned com- 
missions in the army or navy of the United States, 
and afterward aided the rebellion ; and all who have 
engaged in any way in treating colored persons, or 
white persons in charge of such, otherwise than law- 
fully as prisoners of war, and which persons may 
have been found in the United States service as sol- 
diers, seamen, or in any other capacity. 

And I do further proclaim, declare, and make 
known that whenever in any of the states of Arkan- 
sas, Texas, Louisiana, Mississippi, Tennessee, Ala- 
bama, Georgia, Virginia, Florida, South Carolina, 
and North Carolina, a number of persons, not less 
than one-tenth in number of the votes cast in such 
state at the presidential election of the year of our 
Lord 'one thousand eight hundred and sixty, each 
having taken the oath aforesaid and not having since 
violated it, and being a qualified voter by the election 
law of the state existing immediately before the so- 
called act of secession, and excluding all others, shall 
re-establish a state government which shall be repub- 
lican, and in no wise contravening said oath, such 
shall be recognized as the true government of the 
state, and the state shall receive thereunder the bene- 
fits of the constitutional provision which declares 
that "the United States shall guarantee to every state 
in this Union a republican form of government, and 
shall protect each of them against invasion ; and, on 
application of the legislature, or the executive (when 



342 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 

the legislature can not be convened), against domes- 
tic violence. 

And I do further proclaim, declare, and make 
known that any provision that may be adopted by 
such state government, in relation to the freed people 
of such state, which shall recognize and declare their 
permanent freedom, provide for their education, and 
which may yet be consistent, as a temporary arrange- 
ment, with their present condition as a laboring, 
landless, and homeless class, will not be objected to 
by the national executive. And it is suggested as 
not improper that, in constructing a loyal state gov- 
ernment in any state, the name of the state, the 
boundary, the subdivisions, the constitution, and the 
general code of laws, as before the rebellion, be main- 
tained, subject only to the modifications made neces- 
sary by the conditions herein before stated, and such 
others, if any, not contravening said conditions, and 
which may be deemed expedient by those framing 
the new state government. 

To avoid misunderstanding, it may be proper to 
say that this proclamation, so far as it relates to state 
governments, has no reference to states wherein loyal 
state governments have all the while been main- 
tained. And, for the same reason, it may be proper 
to further say that whether members sent to Con- 
gress from any state shall be admitted to seats con- 
stitutionally rests exclusively with the respective 
houses, and not to any extent with the executive. 
And, still further, that this proclamation is intended 
to present the people of the states wherein the na- 
tional authority has been suspended, and loyal state 



FEN AND VOICE. 343 

governments have been subverted, a mode in and by 
which the national and loyal state governments may 
be re-established within such states, or in any of them ; 
and, while the mode presented is the best the execu- 
tive can suggest, with his present impressions, it must 
not be understood that no other possible mode would 
be acceptable. 

Given under my hand, at the City of Washington, 
the eighth day of December, a. d. one thousand eight 
hundred and sixty-three, and of the independence 
of the United States of America the eighty-eighth. 

Abraham Lincoln. 

To Hon. Secretary op War. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, Dec. 21, 1863. 

[Private.] In regard to the western matter, I be- 
lieve the programme will have to stand substantially 
as I first put it. 

Henderson, and especially Brown, believe that the 
social influence of St. Louis would inevitably tell in- 
juriously upon General Pope in the particular diffi- 
culty existing there, and I think there is some force 
in that view. 

As to retaining General S. (Schofield), temporarily, 
if this should be done, I believe I shall scarcely be 
able to get his nomination through the Senate. 

Send me over his nomination, which, however, I 
am not quite read}' to send to the senate. 

Yours, as ever, A. Lincoln. 



344 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 

Letter to 0. D. Filley, St. Louis, Mo. 

Dec. 22, 1863. 
I have just looked over a petition signed by some 
three dozen citizens of St. Louis, and the accompany- 
ing letters, one by yourself, one by a Mr. Nathan 
Ranney, and one by a Mr. John D. Coalter, the whole 
relating to the Rev. Dr. McPheeters. The petition 
prays that in the name of justice and mercy that I 
will restore Dr. McPheeters to all his ecclesiastical 
rights. This gives no intimation as to what ecclesias- 
tical rights are withheld. Your letter states that 
Provost-Marshal Dick, about a year ago, ordered the 
arrest of Dr. McPheeters, pastor of Pine Street 
Church, prohibited him from officiating, and placed 
the management of the affairs of the church out of 
the control of the chosen trustees ; and near the close 
you state that a certain course "would insure his re- 
lease." Mr. Ranney's letter says: "Dr. Samuel B. 
McPheeters is enjoying all the rights of a civilian, 
but can not preach the gospel ! " Mr. Coalter, in 
his letter, asks : " Is it not a strange illustration 
of the condition of things, that the question who 
shall be allowed to preach in a church in St. 
Louis shall be decided by the President of the United 
States?" Now, all this sounds very strangely; and, 
withal, a little as if you gentlemen, making the 
application, do not understand the case alike; one 
affirming that the doctor is enjoying all the rights 
of a civilian, and another pointing out to me what 
will secure his release. On the 2d of January last, 
I wrote to General Curtis in relation to Mr. Dick's 
order upon Dr. McPheeters; and, as I suppose, the 



PEN AND VOICE. 345 

doctor is enjoying all the rights of a civilian, I 
only quote that part of my letter which relates to 
the church. It was as follows: "But I must add 
that the United States Government must not, as by 
this order, undertake to run the churches. When an 
individual, in the church or out of it, becomes dan- 
gerous to the public interest, he must be checked ; 
but the churches, as such, must take care of them- 
selves. It will not do for the United States to ap- 
point trustees, supervisors, or other agents, for the 
churches." 

This letter going to General Curtis, then in com- 
mand there, I supposed, of course, it was obeyed, es- 
pecially as I heard no further complaint from Dr. 
MeFheeters or his friends for nearly an entire year. 
I have never interfered, or thought of interfering, as 
to who shall or shall not preach in any church, nor 
have I knowingly or believingly tolerated any one 
else to so interfere by my authority. If any one is so 
interfering, by color of my authority, I would like to 
have it specifically made known to me. 

If, after all, what is now sought is to have me put 
Dr. M. back over the head of a majority of his own 
congregation, that, too, will be declined. I will not 
have control of any church on any side. 

Yours respectfully, A. Lincoln. 

To Major-General Gilmore. 
Executive Mansion, Washington, Jan. 13, 1864. 
I understand an effort is being made by some 
worthy gentlemen to reconstruct a legal state gov- 
ernment in Florida. Florida is in your department, 



346 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 

and it is not unlikely you may be there in person. 
I have given Mr. Hay a commission of major, and 
sent him to you, with some blank books and other 
blanks, to aid in the reconstruction. He will explain 
as to the manner of using the blanks, and also my 
general views on the subject. It is desirable for all 
to co-operate, but if irreconcilable differences of 
opinion shall arise, you are master. I wish the thing 
done in the most speedy way, so that when done it 
be within the range of the late proclamation on the 
subject. The detail labor will, of course, have to be 
done by others; but I will be greatly obliged if you 
will give it such general supervision as you can find 
consistent with your more strictly military duties. 

Abraham Lincoln. 

To Messrs. Crosby and Nichols. 
Executive Mansion, Washington, Jan. 16, 1864. 

Gentlemen: — The number for this month and year 
of the North American Review was duly received, 
and for which please accept my thanks. 

Of course, I am not the most impartial judge; yet, 
with due allowance for this, I venture to hope that the 
article entitled " The President's Policy " will be of 
value to the country. I fear I am not worthy of all 
which is therein kindly said of me personally. 

The sentence of twelve lines, commencing at the 
top of page 252, I could wish to be not exactly what 
it is. In what is there expressed the writer has not 
correctly understood me. I have never had a theory 
that secession could absolve states or people from 
their obligation. 



PEN AND VOICE. 347 

Precisely the contrary is asserted in the inaugural 
address; and it was because of my belief in the con- 
tinuation of those obligations that I was puzzled, for a 
time, as to denying the legal rights of those citizens 
who remained individually innocent of treason or re- 
bullion. But I mean no more now than to merely 
call attention to the point. 

Yours, very repectfullv, A. Lincoln. 

To Major-General Steele. 
Eecutive Mansion, Washington, Jan. 20, 1864. 
Sundry citizens of the State of Arkansas petition 
me that an election may be held in that state, at 
which to elect a governor; that it be assumed at that 
election, and thenceforward, that the constitution and 
laws of that state, as before the rebellion, are in full 
force, except that the constitution is so modified as 
to declare that there shall be neither slavery nor in- 
voluntary servitude, except in the punishment of 
crimes whereof the party shall have been duly con- 
victed ; that the general assembly may make such 
provisions for the freed people as shall recognize and 
declare their permanent freedom, and provide for 
their education, and which may yet be construed as a 
temporary arrangement suitable to their condition, as 
a laboring, landless, and homeless class; that said 
election shall be held on the 28th of March, 1864, at 
all the usual places of the state, or all such as voters 
may attend for that purpose ; that the voters attend- 
ing at eight o'clock in the morning of said day may 
choose judges and clerks of election for such purpose ; 
that all persons qualified by said constitution and 



348 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 

laws, and taking the oath presented in the President's 
proclamation of December 8, 1863, either before or at 
the election, and none others, may be voters ; that 
each set of judges or clerks may make returns di- 
rectly to you on or before the day of next; 

that in all other respects said election may be con- 
ducted according to said Constitution and laws; that 
on receipt of said returns, when 5,406 votes shall 
have been cast, you can receive said votes, and ascer- 
tain all who shall thereby appear to have been 
elected ; that, on the day of next, all per- 
sons so appearing to have been elected, who shall ap- 
pear before you at Little Rock, and take the oath, to 
be by you severally administered, to support the Con- 
stitution of the United States, and said modified Con- 
stitution of the State of Arkansas, may be declared 
by you qualified and empowered to immediately enter 
upon the duties of the offices to which they shall 
have been respectively elected. 

You will please order an election to take place on 
the 28th of March, 1864, and returns to be made in 
fifteen days thereafter. A. Lincoln. 

Letter to Governor Hahn, of Louisiana, March 13, 

1864. 
Dear Sir: — I congratulate you on having fixed 
your name in history as the first free state governor 
of Louisiana. Now you are about to have a conven- 
tion, which, among other things, will define the elec- 
tive franchise, I barely suggest, for your private con- 
sideration, whether, some of the colored people may 
not be let in — as, for instance, the very intelligent, 



PEN AND VOICE. 349 

and especially those who have fought gallantly in our 
ranks ? 

They would probably help, in some trying time to 
come, to keep the jewel of liberty in the family of 
freedom. 

But this is only a suggestion, not to the public, but 
to you alone. Yours truly, A. Lincoln. 

Address at the Patent Office, Washington, March 
16, 1864. 

Ladies and Gentlemen : — I appear to say but a word. 
This extraordinary war in which we are engaged falls 
heavily upon all classes of people, but the most 
heavily upon the soldier. 

For it has been said, all that a man hath will he 
give for his life; and while all contribute of their sub- 
stance, the soldier puts his life at stake, and often 
yields it up in his country's cause. The highest 
merit, then, is due to the soldier. In this extra- 
ordinary war, extraordinary developments have man- 
ifested themselves, such as have not been seen in 
former wars; and among these manifestations nothing 
has been more remarkable than these fairs for the re- 
lief of suffering soldiers and their families. And the 
chief agents in these fairs are the women of America. 
I am not accustomed to the use of the language of 
eulogy ; I have never studied the art of paying com- 
pliments to women ; but I must say, that if all that 
has been said by orators and poets since the crea- 
tion of the world in praise of women were applied 
to the women of America, it would not do them 



350 ABKAHAM LINCOLN'S 

justice for their conduct during the war. I will close 
by saying, God bless the women of America. 

Lincoln's Description of Grant to a Friend, March, 

1864. 
Well, I hardly know what to think of him, alto- 
gether. He is the quietest little fellow you ever saw. 
Why, he makes the least fuss of any man you ever 
knew. I believe two or three times he has been in 
this room a minute or so before I knew he was here. 
Its about so all around. The only evidence you have 
that he's in any place, is that he makes things git. 
Wherever he is things move. Grant is the first gen- 
eral I've had. He's a general ; I'll tell you what I 
mean. You know how its been with all the rest. 
As soon as I put a man in command of the army, he'd 
come to mewith a plan of a campaign, and about as 
much as say, " Now, I don't believe I can do it, but 
if you say so, I'll try it on," and so put the responsi- 
bility of success or failure on me. They all wanted 
me to be the general. Now, it isn't so w T ith Grant. 
He hasn't told me what his plans are. I don't know, 
and I don't want to know. I'm glad to find a man 
that can go ahead without me. You see, when any 
of the rest set out on a campaign, they'd look over 
matters and pick out some one thing they were short 
of, and they knew I couldn't give 'em, and tell me 
they couldn't hope to win unless they had it ; and it 
was the most generally cavalry. Now, when Grant 
took hold, I was waiting to see what his pet impossi- 
bility would be, and I reckoned it would be cavalry 



PEN AND VOICE. 351 

as a matter of course, for we hadn't horses enough to 
mount what men we had. 

There were fifteen thousand, or thereabouts, up 
near Harpers Ferry, and no horses to put them on. 

Well, the other day Grant sends to me about those 
very men, just as I expected, but what he wanted to 
know was whether he should make infantry of 'em or 
discharge 'em. He doesn't ask impossibilities of me, 
and he's the first general I've had that didn't. 

To Major-General Meade. 
Executive Mansion, Washington, March 29, 1864. 
My Dear Sir: — Your letter to Colonel Townsend, 
inclosing a slip from the Herald, and asking a court 
of inquiry, has been laid before me by the Secretary 
of War, with the request that I would consider it. 
It is quite natural that you would feel some sensi- 
bility on the subject; yet I am not impressed, nor 
do I think the country is impressed, with the belief 
that your honor demands, or the public interest de- 
mands, such an inquiry. The country knows that at 
all events you have done good service, and I believe 
it agrees with me that it is much better for you to 
be engaged in trying to do more, than to be diverted 
as you necessarily would be by a court of inquiry. 
Yours, truly, A. Lincoln. 

To Mr. A. G. Hodges, of Frankfort, Ky., April 4, 

1864. 
I did understand, however, that very oath to pre- 
serve the Constitution to the best of my ability im- 
posed upon me the duty of preserving, by every in- 



6 r 0Z ABRAHAM LINCOLN S 

dispensable means, that government, that nation of 
which that Constitution was the organic law. Was 
it possible to lose the nation and yet preserve the 
Constitution? By general law, life and limb must 
be protected, yet often a limb must be amputated 
to save a life, but a life is never wisely given to save 
a limb. I felt that measures, otherwise unconsti- 
tutional, might become lawful by becoming indis- 
pensable to the preservation of the Constitution 
through the preservation of the nation. Right or 
wrong, I assumed this ground, and now avow it. I 
could not feel that, to the best of my ability, I had 
even tried to preserve the Constitution if to preserve 
slavery or any minor matter, I should permit the 
wreck of government, country, and Constitution alto- 
gether. When, early in the war, General Fremont 
attempted military emancipation, I forbade it, be- 
cause I did not then think it an indispensable 
necessity. When, a little later, General Cameron, 
then Secretary of War, suggested the arming of the 
blacks, I objected, because I did not yet think it an 
indispensable necessity. When, still later, General 
Hunter attempted military emancipation, I again for- 
bade it, because I did not yet think the indispensa- 
ble necessity had come. When, in March, and May, 
and July, 1862, I made earnest and successive ap- 
peals to the border states to favor compensated 
emancipation, I believed the indispensable necessity 
for military emancipation and arming the blacks 
would come, unless averted by that measure. 

They declined the proposition, and I was, in my 
best judgment, driven to the alternative of either sur- 



PEN AND VOICE. 353 

rendering the Union, and with it the Constitution, or 
of laying strong hand upon the colored element. I 
chose the latter. In choosing it, I hoped for greater 
gain than loss, but of this I was not entirely con- 
tident. More than a year of trial now shows no loss 
by it in our foreign relations, none in our home pop- 
ular sentiment, none in our white military force, no 
loss by it any how or anywhere. On the contrary, 
it shows a gain of quite a hundred and thirty thou- 
sand soldiers, seamen, and laborers. These are pal- 
pable facts, about which, as facts, there can be no 
caviling. We have the men, and we could not have 
had them without the measure. And now let any 
Union man who complains of this measure test 
himself by writing down in one line that he is for 
subduing the rebellion by force of arms, and in the 
next that he is for taking three hundred and thirty 
thousand men from the Union side, and placing them 
where they would be best for the measure he con- 
demns. If he can not face his case so stated it is 
only because he can not face the truth. 

I add a word which was not in the verbal conversa- 
tion. In telling this tale, I attempt no compliment 
to my own sagacity. I claim not to have controlled 
events, but confess plainly that events have controlled 
me. Now, at the end of three years' struggle, the 
nation's condition is not what either party or any 
man devised or expected. 

God alone can claim it. Whither it is tending 
seems, plain. If God now wills the removal of a 
great wrong, and wills also that we of the North, as 
30 



354 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 

well as you of the South, shall pay fairly for our 
complicity in that wrong, impartial history will find 
therein new causes to attest and revere the justice 
and goodness of God. 

Yours, truly, A. Lincoln. 

Words to Gen. Grant, on April 9, 1864. 
The Nation's appreciation of what you have done, 
and its reliance upon you for what remains to be 
done in the existing great struggle, are now presented 
with this commission constituting you lieutenant- 
general in the army of the United States. With this 
high honor devolves upon you also a corresponding 
responsibility. As the country herein trusts you, so, 
under God, it will sustain you. I scarcely need to 
add that with what I here speak for the Nation goes 
my own hearty personal concurrence. 

Speech at the Baltimore Fair, April 18, 1864. 

Ladies and Gentlemen: — Calling it to mind that 
we are in Baltimore, we can not fail to note that the 
world moves. Looking upon the many people I see 
assembled here to serve as they best may the soldiers 
of the Union, it occurs to me that three years ago 
those soldiers could not pass through Baltimore. I 
would say, blessings upon the men who have wrought 
these changes, and the ladies who have assisted them. 
This change which has taken place in Baltimore is 
part only of a far wider change which has taken 
place all over the country. 

When the war commenced, three years ago, no one 
expected that it would last this long, and no one sup- 



PEN AND VOICE. 355 

poserl that the institution of slavery would be ma- 
terially affected by it. But here we are. The war is 
not yet ended, and slavery has been very materially 
affected or interfered with. So true is it that man 
proposes and God disposes. 

The world is in want of a good definition of the 
word liberty. We all declare ourselves to be for lib- 
erty, but we do not all mean the same thing. Some 
mean that a man can do as he pleases with himself 
and his property. With others it means that some 
men can do as they please with other men and other 
men's labor. Each of these things are called liberty, 
although they are entirely different. To give an il- 
lustration : A shepherd drives the wolf from the 
throat of his sheep when attacked by him, and the 
sheep of course thanks the shepherd for the preserva- 
tion of his life ; but the wolf denounces him as de- 
spoiling the sheep of his liberty, especially if it be a 
black sheep. 

This same difference of opinion prevails among 
some of the people of the north. But the people of 
Maryland have recently been doing something to 
properly define the meaning of the word, and I 
thank them from the bottom of my heart for what 
they have done and are doing. 

It is not very becoming for a president to make a 
speech of great length, but there is a painful rumor 
afloat in the country, in reference to which a few 
words shall be said. It is reported that there has 
been a wanton massacre of some hundreds of col- 
ored soldiers at Fort Pillow, Tennessee, during a re- 
cent engagement there, and he thought it fit to ex- 



356 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 

plain some facts in relation to the affair. It is said 
by some persons that the government is not, in this 
matter, doing its duty. At the commencement of 
the war, it was doubtful whether black men would 
be used as soldiers or not. The matter was examined 
into very carefully, and after mature deliberation, the 
whole matter resting, as it were, with himself, he, in 
his judgment, decided that they should. He was re- 
sponsible for the act to the American people, to a 
Christian nation, to the future historian, and, above 
all, to his God, to whom he would have one day to 
render an account of his stewardship. He would 
now say that in his opinion the black soldier should 
have the same protection as the white soldier, and 
he would have it. 

It was an error to say that the government was 
not acting in the matter. The government has no 
direct evidence to confirm the reports in existence 
relative to this massacre, but he himself believed the 
facts in relation to it to be as stated. When the gov- 
ernment does know the facts from official sources, 
and they prove to substantiate the reports, retribu- 
tion will be surely given. What is reported, he 
thought, would make a clear case. If it is not true, 
then all such stories are to be considered as false. 
If proved true, when the matter is thoroughly exam- 
ined, what shape is to be given to the retribution? 
Can we take the man who was captured at Vicks- 
burg, and shoot him for the victim of this massacre? 
If it should happen that it was the act of only one 
man, what course is to be pursued then ? It was a 
matter requiring careful examination and delibera- 



PEN AND VOICE. 357 

tion, and if it should be substantiated by sufficient 
evidence, all might rest assured that retribution 
would be had. 

Message to Congress. 

April 28, 1864. 
To the Honorable Senate and House of Represent- 
atives : — I have the honor to transmit herewith an 
address to the President of the United States, and 
through him to both Houses of Congress, on the 
condition of the people of East Tennessee, and 
asking their attention to the necessity for some 
action on the part of the government for their re- 
lief, and which address is presented by the committee 
or organization called " The East Tennessee Relief 
Association." Deeply commiserating the condition 
of those most loyal people, I am unprepared to 
make any specific recommendation for their relief. 
The military -is doing, and will continue to do, the 
best for them within its power. Their address repre- 
sents that the construction of a direct railroad com- 
munication between Knoxville and Cincinnati, by 
way of Central Kentucky, would be of great conse- 
quence in the present emergency. It may be re- 
membered that in my annual message of December, 
1861, such railroad construction was recommended. 
I now add that, with the hearty concurrence of Con- 
gress, I would yet be pleased to construct the road, 
both for the relief of those people and for its con- 
tinuing military importance. Abraham Lincoln. 



358 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 

To the House of Representatives. 

April 28, 1864. 

In obedience to the resolution of your honorable 
body, a copy of which is herewith returned, I have 
the honor to make the following brief statement, 
which is believed to contain the information sought : 

Prior to and at the meeting of the present Con- 
gress, Robert C. Schenck, of Ohio, and Frank P. 
J > 1 a i r, Jr., of Missouri, members-elect thereto, by and 
with the consent of the Senate, held commissions 
from the executive as major-generals in the volunteer 
army. 

General Schenck tendered the resignation of his 
said commission and took his seat in the House of 
Representatives, at the assembling thereof, upon the 
distinct verbal understanding with the Secretary of 
War and the Executive that he might at any time 
during the session, at his own pleasure, withdraw said 
resignation and return to the field. 

General Blair was, by temporary agreement of 
General Sherman in command of a corps through the 
battles in front of Chattanooga, and in marching to 
the relief of Knoxville, which occurred in the latter 
days of December last, and of course was not present 
at the assembling of Congress. When he subse- 
quently arrived here he sought and was allowed by 
the Secretary of War and the Executive the same 
conditions and promise as was allowed and made to 
General Schenck. 

General Schenck has not applied to withdraw his 
resignation; but when General Grant was made lieu- 
tenant-general, producing some changes of com- 



PEN AND VOICE. 359 

manders, General Blair sought to be assigned to the 
command of a corps. This was made known to 
General Grant and General Sherman, and assented to 
by them, and the particular corps for him was desig- 
nated. This was all arranged and understood, as 
now remembered, so much as a month ago; but the 
formal withdrawal of General Blair's resignation, 
and the reissuing of the order assigning him to the 
command of a corps, were not consummated at the 
War Department until last week, perhaps on the 23d 
of April instant. 

As a summary of the whole it may be stated that 
General Blair holds no military commission or ap- 
pointment other than as herein stated, and that it is 
believed lie is now acting as major-general upon the 
assumed validity of the commission herein stated and 
not otherwise. 

There are some letters, notes, telegrams, orders, 
entries, and perhaps other documents, in connection 
with the subject, which it is believed would throw no 
additional light upon it, but which will be cheerfully 
furnished if desired. Abraham Lincoln. 

Letter to General Grant, April 30, 1864. 
Not expecting to see you before the spring cam- 
paign opens, I wish to express in this way my entire 
satisfaction with what you have done up to this time, 
so far as I understand it. The particulars of your 
plans I neither know, nor seek to know. You are 
vigilant and self-reliant; and pleased with this, I 
wish not to obtrude any restraints or constraints upon 
you. "While I am very anxious that any great dis- 



360 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 

aster, or capture of our men in great numbers, shall 
be avoided, I know that these points are less likely 
to escape your attention than they would mine. If 
there be anything wanting which is within my power 
to give, do not fail to let me know it. 

And now, with a brave army and a just cause, may 
God sustain you. Yours, very truly, 

A. Lincoln. 

President's Recommend for Prayer and Thanks- 
giving. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, May 9, 1864. 
To the Friends of Union and Liberty: — Enough is 
known of army operations within the last five days 
to claim our special gratitude to God. While what 
remains undone demands our most serious prayers to 
and reliance upon Him (without whom all human 
effort is vain), I recommend that all patriots, at their 
homes, at their places of public worship, and wher- 
ever they may be, unite in common thanksgiving and 
prayer to Almighty God. Abraham Lincoln. 

The President's Idea of Democratic Policy and 
Strategy. 

May, 1864. 
The slightest knowledge of arithmetic will prove 
to any man that the rebel armies can not be destroyed 
by Democratic strategy. It would sacrifice all the 
white men of the North to do it. There are now in 
the service of the United States nearly two hundred 
thousand able-bodied colored men, most of them un- 
der arms, defending and acquiring Union territory. 



PEN AND VOICE, 361 

The Democratic strategy demands that these forces 
be disbanded, and that the masters be conciliated by 
restoring them to slavery. The black men who now 
assist Union prisoners to escape are to be converted 
into our enemies, in the vain hope of gaining the 
good will of their masters. We shall have to fight 
two nations instead of one. 

You can not conciliate the South if you guarantee 
ultimate success, and the experiences of the present 
war prove their success is inevitable if you fling the 
compulso^ labor of four millions of black men into 
their side of the scale. 

Will you give our enemies such military advantages 
as insure success, and then depend upon coaxing, 
flattery, and concession to get them back into the 
Union. 

Abandon all the forts now garrisoned by black 
men, take two hundred thousand men from our side, 
and put them in the battle field or corn field against 
us, and we would be compelled to abandon the war 
in three weeks. We have to hold territory in in- 
clement and sickly places. Where are the Democrats 
to do this? It was a free fight, and the field was 
open to the War Democrats to put down this rebel- 
lion by fighting against both the master and slave 
long before the present policy was inaugurated. 
There have been men base enough to propose to me 
to return to slavery our black warriors of Port Hud- 
son and Olustee, and thus win the respect of the 
masters they fought. Should I do so, I should de- 
serve to be damned in time and eternity. 
31 



362 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 

Come what will, I will keep my faith with friend 
and foe. My enemies pretend I am now carrying on 
the war for the sole purpose of abolition. So long- 
as I am president it shall be carried on for the sole 
purpose of restoring the Union. But no human 
power can subdue this rebellion without the use of 
the emancipation policy, and every other policy cal- 
culated to weaken the moral and physical forces of 
the rebellion. 

Freedom has given us two hundred thousand men, 
raised on southern soil. It will give us more yet. 
Just so much it has abstracted from the enemy, and 
instead of checking the South, there are evidences of 
a fraternal feeling growing up between our men and 
the rank and file of the rebel soldiers. Let my ene- 
mies prove to the country that the destruction of 
slavery is not necessary to the restoration of the 
Union. I will abide the issue. 

Response to Serenade at Washington, May 13, 1864. 

Fellow- Citizen s : — I am very much obliged to you 
for the compliment of this call, though I apprehend 
it is owing more to the good news received to-day 
from the army, than to a desire to see me. 

I am indeed very grateful to the brave men who 
have been struggling with the enemy in the field, to 
their noble commanders who have directed them, and 
especially to our Maker. 

Our commanders are following up their victories 
resolutely and successfully. 

I think, without knowing the particulars of the 
plans of General Grant, that what has been accom- 



PEN AND VOICE. 363 

plished is of more importance than at first appears. 
I believe, I know (and am especially grateful to 
know), that General Grant has not been jostled in 
his purposes, that he has made all his points, and to- 
day he is on his line as he purposed before he moved 
his armies. 

I will volunteer to say that I am very glad at what 
has happened, but there is a great deal still to be 
done. While we are grateful to all the brave men 
and officers for the events of the past few days, we 
should, above all, be very grateful to Almighty God, 
who gives us victory 

There is enough yet before us requiring all loyal 
men and patriots to perform their share of the labor 
aud follow the example of the modest general at the 
head of our armies, and sink all personal considera- 
tions for the sake of the country. 

I commend you to keep yourselves in the same 
tranquil mood that is characteristic of that brave and 
loyal man. I have said more than I expected when I 
came before you. Repeating my thanks for this call, 
I bid you good-bye. 

To a New York Meeting, June 3, 1864. 
Hon. F. A. Conckling, and others: Gentlemen — 
Your letter, inviting me to be present at a mass meet- 
ing of loyal citizens to be held at ISTew York, on the 
4th inst., for the purpose of expressing gratitude to 
Lieutenant-General Grant for his signal services, was 
received yesterday. It is impossible for me to at- 
tend. I approve, nevertheless, whatever may tend to 



364 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 

strengthen and sustain General Grant and the noble 
armies now under his direction. 

My previous high estimate of General Grant has 
been maintained and heightened by what has occurred 
in the remarkable campaign he is now conducting. 
While the magnitude and difficulty of the task before 
him do not prove less than I expected, he and his 
brave soldiers are now in the midst of their great 
trial, and I trust at your meeting you will so shape 
your good words that they may turn to men and guns 
moving to his and their support. 

Yours truly, A. Lincoln. 

Speech Delivered June 9, 1864, to Committee In- 
forming Lincoln of his Renomination. 
Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen of the Committee: — 
I will neither conceal my gratification, nor restrain 
the expression of my gratitude, that the Union peo- 
ple, through their convention, in the continued effort 
to save and advance the nation, have deemed me not 
unworthy to remain in my present position. 

I know no reason to doubt that I shall accept the 
nomination tendered, and yet, perhaps 1 should not 
declare definitely before reading and considering what 
is called the platform. I will say now, however, that 
I approve the declaration in favor of so amending the 
Constitution as to prohibit slavery throughout the 
nation. When the people in revolt, with the hundred 
days explicit notice that they could within those days 
resume their allegiance without the overthrow of 
their institutions, and that they could not resume it 
afterward, elected to stand out, such an amendment 



PEN AND VOICE. 365 

of the Constitution as is now proposed became a fit- 
ting and necessary condition to the final success of 
the Union cause. Such alone can meet and cover all 
cavils. I now perceive its importance and embrace it. 
In the joint names of Liberty and Union, let us labor 
to give legal form and practical eifort. 

Speech to the National Union League, June 9, 1864. 

Gentlemen : — I can only say in response to the re- 
marks of your chairman, that I am very grateful for 
the renewed confidence which has been accorded to 
Hie, both by the convention and the National League. 
I am not insensible at all to the personal compliment 
there is in this, yet I do not allow myself to believe 
that any but a small portion of it is to be appropri- 
ated as a personal compliment to me. The conven- 
tion and the nation, I am assured, are alike animated 
by a higher view of the interests of the country, for 
the present and the great future, and the part I am 
entitled to appropriate as a compliment, is only that 
part which I may lay hold of as being the opinion of 
the convention and of the league, that I am not en- 
tirely unworthy to be intrusted with the place I have 
occupied for the last three years. 

I have not permitted myself gentlemen, to conclude 
that I am the best man in the country ; but I am re- 
minded in this connection of a story of an old Dutch 
farmer, who remarked to a companion once that " it 
was not best to swap horse when crossing a stream." 



366 abraham lincoln's 

Speech at a Philadelphia Fair, June 16, 1864. 

I suppose that this toast was intended to open the 
way for me to say something. 

War, at the best, is terrible, and this war of ours, in 
its magnitude and in its duration, is one of the most 
terrible. It has deranged business, totally in many 
localities, and partially in all localities. It has de- 
stroyed property and ruined homes ; it has produced 
a national debt and taxation unprecedented, at least 
in this country ; it has carried mourning to almost 
every home, until it can almost be said that the 
"heavens are hung in black." 

Yet the war continues, and several relieving coin- 
cidents have accompanied it from the very beginning 
which have not been known, as I understand or have 
any knowledge of, in any former wars in the history 
of the world. The Sanitary Commission, with all its 
benevolent labors; the Christian Commission, with 
all its Christian and benevolent labors; and the vari- 
ous places, arrangements, so to speak, and institu- 
tions, have contributed to the comfort and relief of 
the soldiers. You have two of these places in this 
city — the Cooper Shop and Union Volunteer Re- 
freshment Saloons. And, lastly, these fairs, which I 
believe began only in last August if I mistake not 
in Chicago, then at Boston, at Cincinnati, Brooklyn, 
New York, at Baltimore, and those at present held 
at St. Louis, Pittsburg and Philadelphia. 

The motive and object that lie at the bottom of all 
these are most worthy ; for, say what you will, after 
all, the most is due to the soldier, who takes his life 



PEN AND VOICE. 367 

in his hands and goes to fight the battles of his coun- 
try. In what is contributed to his comfort when he 
passes to and fro, and in what is contributed to him 
when he is sick and wounded, in whatever shape it 
comes, whether from the fair and tender hand of 
woman or from any other source, it is much, very 
much. But I think that there is still that which is 
of as much value to him in the continual reminders 
he sees in the newspapers, that while he is absent he 
is yet remembered by the loved ones at home. 

Another view of these various institutions, if I 
may so call them, is worthy of consideration, I think. 
They are voluntary contributions, given zealously 
and earnestly, on top of all the disturbances of busi- 
ness, of all the disorders, of all the taxation, and of 
all the burdens that the war has imposed upon us, 
giving proof that the national resources are not at all 
exhausted, and that the natural spirit of patriotism is 
even firmer and stronger than at the commencement 
of the war. 

It is a pertinent question, often asked in the mind 
privately, and from one to the other, When is the 
war to end? Surely I feel as deep an interest in this 
question as any other can, but I do not wish to name 
a day, a month, or a year, when it is to end. I do 
not wish to run any risk of seeing the time come, 
without our being ready for the end, for fear of dis- 
appointment because the time had come and not the 
end. We accepted this war for an object, a worthy 
object, and the war will end when that object is at- 
tained. Under God, I hope it never will end until 
that time. Speaking of the present campaign, Gen- 



368 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 

eral Grant is reported to have said, "I am going 
through on this line if it takes all summer." This 
war has taken three years; it was begun or accepted 
upon the line of restoring the national authority over 
the whole national domain, and for the American 
people, as far as any knowledge enables me to speak, 
I say we are going through on this line if it takes 
three years more. 

My friends, I did not know but I might be called 
upon to say a few words before I got away from here, 
but I did not know it was coming just here. I have 
never been in the habit of making predictions in re- 
gard to the war, but I am almost tempted to make 
one. If I were to hazard it, it is this : that Grant is 
this evening, with General Meade and General Han- 
cock, and the brave officers and soldiers with him, in 
a position from whence he will never be dislodged 
until Richmond is taken, and I have but one single 
proposition to put now, and perhaps I can best put it 
in the form of an interrogative. If I shall discover 
that General Grant and the noble officers and men 
under him can be greatly facilitated in their work by 
a sudden pouring forward of men and assistance, will 
you give them to me? Are you ready to march? 
[Cries of " Yes ! "' Then, I say, stand ready, for I 
am watching for the chance. I thank you, gentle- 
men. 

To Hon. William Dennison and Others, a Commit- 
tee of the Union National Convention. 
Executive Mansion, Washington, Jane 27, 1864. 
Gentlemen : — Your letter of the 14th inst., formally 



PEN AND VOICE. 369 

notifying me that I have been nominated by the con- 
vention you represent for the Presidency of the 
United States for four years from the 4th of March 
next, has' been received. The nomination is grate- 
fully accepted, as the resolutions of the convention, 
called the platform, are heartily approved. 

While the resolution in regard to the supplanting 
of republican government upon the western continent 
is fully concurred in, there might be misunderstand- 
ing were I not to say that the position of the govern- 
ment in relation to the action of France in Mexico, 
as assumed through the State Department and in- 
dorsed by the convention among the measures and 
acts of the Executive, will be faithfully maintained 
so long as the state of facts shall leave that position 
pertinent and applicable. I am especially gratified 
that the soldiers and seamen were not forgotten by 
the convention, as they forever must and will be re- 
membered by the grateful country for whose salva- 
tion they devote their lives. 

Thanking you for the kind and complimentary 
terms in which you have communicated the nomina- 
tion, and other proceedings of the convention, I sub- 
scribe myself, Your obedient servant, 

Abraham Lincoln. 

Lincoln to General Grant. 

July 10, 1864, 2:30 P. M. 

Your dispatch to General Halleck, referring to 

what I may think in the present emergency, is shown 

me. General Halleck says we have no force here fit to 

go to the field. He thinks that with the hundred-day 



370 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 

men and invalids we have here, we can defend Wash- 
ington, and, scarcely, Baltimore. Besides these, there 
are about eight thousand, not very reliable, under 
Howe at Harper's Ferry, with Hunter approaching 
that point very slowly, with what number I suppose 
you know better than we. Wallace, with some odds 
and ends, and part of what came up with Ricketts, 
was so badly beaten yesterday at Monocacy, that 
what is left can attempt no more than to defend Bal- 
timore. What we shall get in from Pennsylvania 
and New York will scarcely be worth counting, I 
fear. Now what I think is, that you should provide 
to retain your hold where you are certainly ; and 
bring the rest with you, personally, and make a vigorous 
effort to defeat the enemy's force in this vicinity. I 
think there is really a fair chance to do this if the 
movement is prompt. This is what I think — upon 
your suggestion — and is not an order. A. Lincoln. 

To Whom it may Concern. 
Executive Mansion, Washington, D. C, July 18, 1864. 

Any proposition which embraces the restoration of 
peace, the integrity of the whole Union, and the 
abandonment of slavery, and which comes by and 
with an authority that can control the armies now at 
war against the United States, will be received and 
considered by the Executive Government of the 
United States, and will be met by liberal terms on 
other substantial and collateral points, and the bearer 
or bearers thereof shall have safe conduct both ways. 

Abraham Lincoln. 



PEN AND VOICE. 371 

To Lieutenant-General Grant, City Foint, Va. 
Washington, D. C, Aug. 3, 1864, Cypher, 6 P.M. 

I have seen your dispatch in which you say — "I 
want Sheridan put in command of all the troops in 
the field, with instructions to put himself south of the 
enemy, and follow him to the death. Wherever the 
enemy goes, let the troops go also." This, I think, is 
exactly right, as to how our forees should move. But 
please look over the dispatches yon may have received 
from here, even since you made that order, and dis- 
cover, if you can, that there is any idea in the head of 
any one here, of "putting our army south of the en- 
emy" or of " following him to the death " in any di- 
rection. I repeat to you it will neither be done nor 
attempted unless you watch it every day, and hour, 
and force it. A. Lincoln. 

President Lincoln's Reply to Rev. Dr. Pohlman, of 
Albany, N. Y., and others of the General Synod 
of the Lutheran Church at Lancaster. 

August, 1864. 
Gentlemen: — I welcome here the representatives of 
the Evangelical Lutherans of the United States. I 
accept with gratitude their assurances of the sympa- 
thy and support of that enlightened, influential and 
loyal class of my fellow-citizens in an important 
crisis, which involves, in my judgment, not only the 
civil and religious liberties of our own dear land, but 
in a large degree the civil and religious liberties of 
mankind in many countries, and through many ages. 
You well know, gentlemen, and the world knows, 
how reluctantly I accepted this issue of battle forced 



372 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 

upon me, on my advent to this place, by the internal 
enemies of our country. You all know, the world 
knows the forces and the resources the public agents 
have brought into employment to sustain a govern- 
ment against which there has been brought not one 
complaint of real injury committed against society at 
home or abroad. You all may recollect that in tak- 
ing up the sword thus forced into our hands, this 
government appealed to the prayers of the pious and 
the good, and declared that it placed its whole de- 
pendence upon the favor of God. I now humbly and 
reverently, in your presence, reiterate the acknowl- 
edgment of that dependence, not doubting that if it 
shall please the Divine Being who determines the des- 
tinies of nations, that this shall remain a united peo- 
ple, they will, humbly seeking the Divine guidance, 
make their prolonged national existence a source of 
new benefits to themselves and their successors, and 
to all classes and conditions of mankind. 

Hon. Henry J. Raymond. 
Executive Mansion, Washington, August 15, 1864. 

My Dear Sir: — I have proposed to Mr. Greeley 
that the Niagara correspondence be published, sup- 
pressing only the parts of his letters over which the 
red pencil is drawn in the copy which I herewith 
send. 

He declines giving his consent to the publication of 
his letters unless these parts be published with the 
rest. 

I have concluded that it is better for me to submit, 
for the time, to the consequences of the false position 



PEN AND VOICE. . 373 

in which I consider he has placed me, than to submit 
the country to the consequences of publishing these 
discouraging and injurious parts. 

I send you this, and the accompanying copy, not 
for publication, but merely to explain to you, and 
that you may preserve them until their proper time 
shall come. Yours truly, A. Lincoln. 

Tender of National Thanks to Farragut and Canby. 

Executive Mansion, September 3, 1864. 
The national thanks are tendered by the President 
to Admiral Farragut and Major-General Canby, for 
the skill and harmony with which the recent opera- 
tions in Mobile Harbor and against Fort Powell, Fort 
Games, and Fort Morgan were planned and carried 
into execution. Also to Admiral Farragut and 
Major-General Granger, under whose immediate com- 
mand they were conducted, and to the gallant com- 
manders on sea and land, and to the sailors and sol- 
diers engaged in the operations, for their energy and 
courage, which, under the blessing of Providence, 
have been crowned with brilliant success, and have 
won for them the applause and thanks of the nation. 

Abraham Lincoln. 

Call for Thanksgiving. 

Executive Mansion, Washington City, Sept. 3, 1864. 

The signal success that Divine Providence has re- 
cently vouchsafed to the operations of the United 
States army and navy in the harbor of Mobile, and 
the reduction of Forts Powell, Gaines, and Morgan, 
and the glorious achievements of the army under 



374 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 

Major- General Sherman in the State of Georgia, re- 
sulting in the capture of the city of Atlanta, call for 
devout acknowledgments to the Supreme Being, in 
whose hands are the destinies of nations. It is there- 
fore requested that on next Sunday, in all places of 
public worship in the United States, thanksgiving be 
offered to Him for His mercy in preserving our na- 
tional existence, against the insurgent rebels who so 
long have been waging a cruel war against the gov- 
ernment of the United States for its overthrow, and 
also that prayers be made for the Divine protection 
to our brave soldiers and their leaders, in the field, 
who have so often and so gallantly periled their lives 
in battling with the enemy, and for blessings and 
comfort from the Father of Mercies to the sick, and 
wounded and prisoners, and to the orphans and 
widows of those who have fallen in the service of their 
country, and that He will continue to uphold the 
government of the United States against all the efforts 
of public enemies and secret foes. 

Abraham Lincoln. 

Tender of National Thanks to General Sherman. 
Executive Mansion, Washington, Sept 3, 1864. 
The national thanks are tendered by the President 
to Major-General W. T. Sherman and the gallant 
officers and soldiers of his command before Atlanta, 
for the distinguished ability and perseverance dis- 
played in the campaign in Georgia, which, under 
Divine favor, has resulted in the capture of Atlanta. 
The marches, battles, seiges and other military oper- 
ations that have signalized the campaign, must render 



PEN AND VOICE. 375 

it famous in the annals of war, and have entitled those 
who have participated therein to the applause and 
thanks of the nation. Abraham Lincoln. 

September 5, 1864. 

Ordered: — First — That on Monday the 5th day of 
September, commencing at the hour of twelve o'clock 
noon, there shall be given a salute of one hundred 
guns at the arsenal and navy yard at Washington, and 
on Tuesday, the 6th day of September, or the day 
after the receipt of this order, at each arsenal and 
navy yard in the United States, for the recent brilliant 
achievements of the fleet and the land forces of the 
United States in the harbor of Mobile in the reduction 
of Fort Powell, Fort Gaines and Fort Morgan. The 
Secretary of War and the Secretary of the Navy will 
issue the necessary directions in their respective de- 
partments for the execution of this order. 

S ec01K l — That on Wednesday, the 7th day of Sep- 
tember, commencing at the hour of twelve o'clock 
noon, there shall be fired a salute of one hundred guns 
at the arsenal at Washington, and at New York, 
Boston, Philadelphia, Baltimore, Pittsburg, Newport, 
Ky., and St. Louis, and at New Orleans, Mobile, 
Pensacola, Hilton Head, and Newbern, the day after 
the receipt of this order,for the brilliant achievements 
of the army under the command of Major-General 
Sherman in the State of Georgia, and the capture of 
Atlanta. 

The Secretary of War will issue directions for the 
execution of this order. AbrahAxM Lincoln. 



376 abraham lincoln's 

Executive order returning thanks to the Ohio 
Volunteers for One Hundred Days Service. 

Executive 31ansion, Washington, Sept. 10, 1864. 

The term of one hundred days for which the 
National Guard of Ohio volunteered having expired, 
the President directs an official acknowledgment of 
their patriotism and valuable services during the re- 
cent campaign. The term of service of their enlist- 
ment was short, but distinguished by memorable 
events in the valley of the Shenandoah, on the Penin- 
sula, in the operations of the James River, around 
Petersburg and Richmond, in the battle of Monocacy, 
in the intrenchments of Washington, and in other 
important service. The National Guard of Ohio per- 
formed with alacrity the duty of patriotic volunteers, 
for which they are entitled, and are hereby tendered, 
through the Governor of their state, the national 
thanks. 

The Secretary of War is directed to transmit a 
copy of this order to the Governor of Ohio, and to 
cause a certificate of their honorable service to be de- 
livered to the officers and soldiers of the Ohio National 
Guard, who recently served in the military force of 
the United States as volunteers for one hundred days. 

Abraham Lincoln. 

Speech at a Serenade, September, 1864. 

Soldiers: — You are about to return to your homes 

and your friends, after having, as I learn, performed 

in camp a comparatively short term of duty in this 

great contest. I am greatly obliged to you, and to 



PEN AND VOICE. 377 

all who have come forward at the call of their coun- 
try. I wish it might be more generally and univer- 
sally understood what the country is now engaged in. 
We have, as all will agree, a free government, where 
every man has a right to be equal with every other 
man. In this great struggle the form of government 
and every form of human right is endangered if our 
enemies succeed. There is more involved in this 
contest than is realized by every one. There is in- 
volved in this struggle the question, whether your 
children and my children shall enjoy the privileges 
we have enjoyed. I say this in order to impress 
upon you, if you are not already so impressed, that 
no small matter should divert us from our great pur- 
pose. 

There may be some inequalities in the practical 
application of our system. It is fair that each man 
shall pay taxes in exact proportion to the value of 
his property; but if we should wait, before collecting 
a tax, to adjust the taxes upon each man in exact 
proportion with every other man, we should never 
collect any tax at all. There may be mistakes made 
sometimes; things may be done wrong, while the 
officers of the government do all they can to prevent 
mistakes. But I beg of you, as citizens of this great 
republic, not to let your minds be carried off from 
the great work we have before us. This struggle is 
too large for you to be diverted from it by any small 
matter. When you return to your homes, rise up to 
the height of a generation of men worthy of a free 
government, and we will carry out the great work 
we have commenced. I return to you my sincere 
32 



378 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 

thanks, soldiers, for the honor you have done me this 
afternoon. 

To Another Ohio Regiment he Spoke as Follows, 
September, 1864. 

Soldiers: — I suppose you are going home to see 
your families and friends. For the services you have 
done in this great struggle in which we are engaged, 
I present you sincere thanks for myself and the 
country. 

I almost always feel inclined, when I say any thing 
to soldiers, to impress upon them, in a few brief re-' 
marks, the importance of success in this contest. It 
is not merely for the day, but for all time to come, 
that we should perpetuate for our children's children 
that great and free government which we have en- 
joyed all our lives. I beg you to remember this, not 
merely for my sake, but for yours. I happen, tempo- 
rarily, to occupy this big White House. I am a liv- 
ing witness that any one of your children maj T look 
to come here as my father's child has. It is in order 
that each one of you may have, through this free 
government which we have enjoyed, an open field 
and a fair chance for your industry, enterprise, and 
intelligence ; that you may all have equal privileges 
in the race of life, with all its desirable human aspira- 
tions — it is for this that the struggle should be main- 
tained, that we may nut lose our birthrights, not only 
for one, but for two or three years, if necessary. The 
nation is worth fighting for to secure such an inesti- 
mable jewel. 



PEN AND VOICE. 37U 

To Major-General Sherman. 
Washington, D. C, September 19, 1864. 

The state election of Indiana occurs on the 11th 
^>f Octoher, and the loss of it to the friends of the 
government would go far toward losing the whole 
Union cause. 

The bad effect upon the November election, and es- 
pecially the giving the state government to those 
who will oppose the war in every possible way, are 
too much to risk if it can be avoided. The draft 
proceeds, notwithstanding its strong tendency to lose 
us the state. 

Indiana is the only important state voting in Octo- 
ber whose soldiers can not vote in the field. Any 
thing you can safely do to let her soldiers, or any part 
of them go home to vote at the state election, will be 
greatly in point. 

They need not remain for the presidential election, 
but may return to you at once. 

This is in no sense an order, but is merely intended 
to impress you with the importance to the army it- 
self of your doing all you safely can, yourself being 
the judge of what you can safely do. 

Yours, truly, . A. Lincoln 

To Hon. MontgOxMery Blair. 
Executive Mansion, Washington, Sept. 23, 1864. 
My Dear Sir: — You have generously said to me, 
more than once, that whenever your resignation 
could be a relief to me, it was at my disposal. The 
time has come. 



380 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 

You very well know that this proceeds from no 
dissatisfaction of mine with you personally or offi- 
cially. 

Your uniform kindness has been unsurpassed by 
that of any other friend, and while it is true that th% 
war does not so greatly add to the difficulties of your 
department as to those of some others, it is yet much 
to say, as I most truly can, that in the three years 
and a half during which you have administered the 
General Post-office, I remember no single complaint 
against you in connection therewith. 

Yours, as ever, A. Lincoln. 

Letter to Mrs. Eliza P. Gurney. 

September 30, 1864. 
My Esteemed Friend: — I have not forgotten, proba- 
bly never shall forget, the very impressive occasion 
when yourself and friends visited me on a Sabbath 
forenoon two years ago. Nor had your kind letter, 
written nearly a year later, ever been forgotten. In all 
it has been your purpose to strengthen my reliance in 
God. I am much indebted to the good Christian peo- 
dle of the country for their constant prayers and con- 
solations, and to no one of them more than to yourself. 
The purposes of the Almighty are perfect and must 
prevail, though we erring mortals may fail to accu- 
rately perceive them in advance. We hoped for a 
happy termination of this terrible war long before 
this ; but God knows best, and has ruled otherwise. 
We shall yet acknowledge his wisdom and our own 
errors therein ; meanwhile we must work earnestly 
in the best light He gives us, trusting that so working 



PEN AND VOICE 381 

still conduces to the great end He ordains. Surely 
He intends some great good to follow this mighty 
convulsion which no mortal could make, and no 
mortal could stay. Your people — the Friends — have- 
had, and are having, very great trials on principles 
and faith opposed to both war and oppression. They 
can only practically oppose oppression by war. In 
this hard dilemma some have chosen one horn and 
some the other. 

For those appealing to me on conscientious grounds 
I have done and shall do the best I could and can in 
my own conscience under my oath to the law. That 
you believe this T doubt not, and believing it I shall 
still receive for my country and myself your earnest 
prayers to our Father in Heaven. 

Your sincere friend, A. Lincoln. 

Special Executive Order Returning Thanks to 
Volunteers for one Hundred Days, from the 
States of Illinois, Indiana, Iowa, and AVisconsin. 
Executive Mansion, Washington, October 1, 1864. 
The term of one hundred days for which volun- 
teers from the states of Indiana, Illinois, Iowa, and 
Wisconsin volunteered, under the call of their re- 
spective governors, in the months of May and June, 
to aid the recent campaign of General Sherman, 
having expired, the president directs an official ac- 
knowledgment to be made of their patriotic service. 
It was their good fortune to render effective service 
in the brilliant operations in the south-west, and to 
contribute to the victories of the national arms over 
the rebel forces in Georgia, under command of John- 



382 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 

ston and Hood. On all occasions, and in every 
service to which they were assigned, their duty as 
patriotic volunteers was performed with alacrity and 
.courage, for which they are entitled to and are hereby 
tendered the national thanks through the governors 
of their respective states. 

The Secretary of War is directed to transmit a 
copy of this order to the governors of Indiana, Illi- 
nois, Iowa, and Wisconsin, and to cause a certificate 
of their honorable services to be delivered to the of- 
ficers and soldiers of the states above named, who 
recently served in the military service of the United 
States as volunteers for one hundred days. 

Abraham Lincoln. 

Speech to the 148th Ohio Regiment. Fall of 1864. 
Soldiers of the 148th Ohio: — I am most happy to 
meet you on this occasion. I understand that it has 
been your honorable privilege to stand, for a brief 
period, in the defense of your country, and that now 
you are on your way to your homes. I congratulate 
you, and those who are waiting to bid you welcome 
home from the war ; and permit me in the name of 
the people to thank you for the part you have taken 
in this struggle for the life of the nation. Yon are 
soldiers of the republic, every-where honored and re- 
spected. Whenever I appear before a body of soldiers, 
I feel tempted to talk to them of the nature of the 
struggle in which we are engaged. I look upon it as 
an attempt on the one hand to overwhelm and destroy 
the national existence, while on our part we are 
striving to maintain the government and institutions 



PEN AND VOICE. 383 

of our fathers, to enjoy them ourselves, and transmit 
them to our children and our children's children for- 
ever. 

To do this the constitutional administration of our 
government must he sustained, and I heg of you not 
to allow your minds or your hearts to he diverted 
from the support of all necessary measures for that 
purpose, hy any miserahle picayune arguments ad- 
dressed to your pockets, or inflammatory appeal 
made to your passions and your prejudices. 

It is vain and foolish to arraign this man or that 
for the part he has taken or has not taken, and to 
hold the government responsible for his acts. In no 
administration can there he perfect equality of action 
and uniform satisfaction rendered by all. 

yBut this government must be preserved, in spite of 
the acts of any man or set of men. It is worthy 
your every effort. Nowhere in the world is presented 
a government of so much liberty and equality. To 
the humblest and poorest amongst us are held out 
the highest privileges and positions. The present 
moment finds me at the White House, yet there is as 
good a chance for your children as there was for my 
father's. 

Again I admonish you not to be turned from your 
stern purpose of defending our beloved country and 
its free institutions by any arguments urged by am- 
bitious and designing men, but stand fast, to the 
Union and the old flag. 

Soldiers, I bid you God-speed to your homes. 



384 ABRAHAM LINCOLN^ 



The President's Last, Shortest, and Best Speech, 
in 1864. 

On Thursday of last week two ladies from Tennes- 
see came before the president asking the release of 
their husbands held as prisoners of war at Johnson's 
Island. They were put off till Friday, when they 
came again, and were again put off to Saturday. At 
each of the interviews, one of the ladies urged that 
her husband was a religious man. On Saturday the 
president ordered the release of the prisoners, and 
then said to the lady: " You say your husband is a 
religious man ; tell him when you meet him, that I 
say I am not much of a judge of religion, but that, 
in my opinion, the religion that sets men to rebel and 
light against this government, because, as they think, 
that government does not sufficiently help some men 
to eat their bread on the sweat of other men's faces, 
is not the sort of religion upon which people can 
get to heaven." 

To Hon. Henry "W. Hoffman. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, Oct. 18, 1864. 

My Dear Sir: — A convention of Maryland has 
formed a new constitution for the state; a public 
meeting is called for this evening at Baltimore, to 
aid in securing its ratification, and you ask a word 
from me for the occasion. I presume the only fea- 
ture of the instrument about which there is serious 
controversy, is that which provides for the extinction 
of slavery. 

It needs not to be a secret, and I presume it is no 



PEN AND VOICE. 385 

secret, that I wish success to this provision. I desire 
it on every consideration. 

I wish to see all men free. I wish the national 
prosperity of the already free, which I feel sure the 
extinction of slavery would bring. I wish to see in 
progress of disappearing that only thing which could 
bring this nation to a civil war. I attempt no argu- 
ment. Argument upon the question is already ex- 
hausted by the abler, better informed, and more im- 
mediately interested sons of Maryland herself. I 
only add, that I shall be gratified exceedingly if the 
good people of the state shall, by their votes, ratify 
the new constitution. 

Yours truly, A. Lincoln. 

Speech at a Serenade, October 19, 1864. 

I am notified that this is a compliment paid me by 
the loyal Marylanders resident in this district. I in- 
fer that the adoption of the new constitution for that 
state furnishes the occasion, and that, in your view, 
the extirpation of slavery constitutes the chief merit 
of the new constitution. Most heartily do I congrat- 
ulate you and Maryland, and the nation, and the 
world upon the event. I regret that it did not occur 
two years sooner, which, I am sure, would have saved 
to the nation more money than would have met all 
the private loss incident to the measure. 

But it has come at last, and I sincerely hope its 
friends may fully realize all their anticipations of 
good from it, and that its opponents may, by its 
effects, be agreeably and profitably disappointed. 

A word upon another subject: Something said by 
33 



386 ABRAHAM LINCOLN^ 

the Secretary of State, in Lis recent speech at Au- 
burn, has been construed by some into a threat that, 
if I shall be beaten at the election, I will, between 
then and the end of my constitutional term, do what 
I may be able to ruin the government. Others regard 
the fact that the Chicago convention adjourned not 
sine die, but to meet again, if called to do so by a par- 
ticular individual, as the intimation of a purpose that 
if their nominee shall be elected he will at once seize 
the control of the government. I hope the good 
people will permit themselves to suffer no uneasiness 
on this point. 

I am struggling to maintain the government, not 
to overthrow it. I therefore say that, if I shall live, 
I shall remain president until the fourth of next 
March, and that whoever shall be constitutionally 
elected therefor, in November, shall be duly installed 
as president on the fourth of March, and that, in the 
interval, I shall do my utmost that whoever is to hold 
the helm for the next voyage shall start with the best 
possible chance to save the ship. 

This is due to the people both on principle and 
under the Constitution. Their will, constitutionally 
expressed, is the ultimate law for all. If they should 
deliberately resolve to have immediate peace, even at 
the loss of their country and their liberties, I have 
not the power nor the right to resist them. It is 
their own business, and they must do as they please 
with their own. I believe, however, they are still 
resolved to preserve their country and their liberty ; 
and in this office or out I am resolved to stand by 
them. 



PEN AND VOICE. 387 

T may add, that in this purpose to save the coun- 
try and its liberties no classes of people seem so 
nearly unanimous as the soldiers in the field and the 
seamen afloat. Do they not have the hardest of it? 
Who should quail while they do not? God bless the 
soldiers and seamen, with all their brave command- 
ers. 

Reply to the Protest of Tennessee, October 22, 

1864. 

At the time these papers were presented, as be- 
fore stated, I had never seen either of them, nor heard 
of the subject to which they relate, except in a gen- 
eral way, only one day previously. Up to the present 
moment nothing whatever has passed between Gov- 
ernor Johnson or any one else connected with the 
proclamation and myself. Since receiving the papers, 
as stated, I have given the subject such brief con- 
sideration as I have been able to do in the midst of 
so many pressing public duties. 

My conclusion is, that I have nothing to do with 
the matter, either to sustain the plan as the conven- 
tion and Governor Johnson have initiated it, or to re- 
voke or modify it as you demand. By the Consti- 
tution and laws the President is charged with no 
duty in the conduct of a presidential election in any 
state ; nor do I in this case perceive any military rea- 
sons for his interference in the matter. 

The movement set on foot by the convention and 
Governor Johnson does not, as seems to be assumed 
by you, emanate from the national executive. In no 
proper sense can it be considered other than as an 



388 

independent movement of at least a portion of the 
loyal people of Tennessee. 

I do not perceive in the plan any menace of vio- 
lence or coercion toward any one. Governor John- 
son, like any other loyal citizen of Tennessee, has the 
right to favor any political plan he chooses, and as 
military governor it is his duty to keep the peace 
among and for the loyal people of the state. 

I can not discern that by this plan he proposes any 
more. But you object to the plan. Leaving it 
alone will be your perfect security against it. Do as 
you please on your own account, peacefully and 
loyally, and Governor Johnson will not molest you, 
but will protect you against violence so far as in 
his power. 

1 presume that the conducting of a presidential 
election in Tennessee in strict accordance with the 
old code of the state is not now a possibility. 

It is scarcely necessary to add that if any election 
shall be held, and any votes shall be cast in the State 
of Tennessee for President and Vice-President of the 
United States, it will belong, not to the military 
agents, nor yet to the executive department, but ex- 
clusively to another department of the government, 
to determine whether they are entitled to be counted, 
in conformity with the Constitution and laws of the 
United States. 

Except it be to give protection against violence, I 
decline to interfere in any way with any presidential 
election. Abraham Lincoln. 



PEN AND VOICE. 389 

To General Sheridan. 
Executive Mansion, Washington, October 22, 1864. 
With great pleasure I tender to you and your brave 
army, the thanks of the nation and my own personal 
admiration and gratitude for the month's operations 
in the Shenandoah Valley, and especially for the 
splendid work of October 19th. 

Your obedient servant, Abraham Lincoln. 

Speech at a Seranade by a Club of Pennsylvanians 
the Night of the Election, November 9, 1864. 

Friends and Fellow -Citizens: — Even before I had 
been informed by you that the compliment was paid 
me by loyal citizens of Pennsylvania friendly to 
me, I had inferred that you were that portion of 
my countrymen who think that the best interests 
of the nation are to be subserved by the support of 
the present administration. I do not pretend to say 
that you who think so embrace all the patriotism 
and loyalty of the country. But I do believe, and 
I trust without personal interest, that the welfare of 
the whole country does require that such support 
and indorsement be given, 

I earnestly believe that the consequences of this 
day's work, if it be as you assure me, and as now 
seems probable, will be to the lasting advantage 
it not to the very salvation of the country. 

I can not at this hour say what has been the re- 
sult of the election, but whatever it may have been, 
and I have no desire to modify this opinion, thad; 
all who have labored to-day in behalf of the Union 



390 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 

organization have wrought for the best interests of 
the country and the world, not only for the present, 
but for all future ages. 

I am thankful to God for the approval of the 
people. But while deeply grateful for this mark of 
their confidence in me, if I know my heart, my 
gratitude is free from any taint of personal triumph. 

I do not impugn the motives of any one opposed 
to me. It is no pleasure to me to triumph over any 
one, but I give thanks to the Almighty for the evi- 
dences of the people's resolution to stand by free 
government and the right of humanity. 

Response to a Seranade by the various Lincoln and 
Johnson Clubs of the District of Columbia, No- 
vember 10, 1864. 

It has long been a grave question whether any gov- 
ernment, not too strong for the liberties of its people, 
can be strong enough to maintain its existence in 
great emergencies. 

On this point the present rebellion brought our 
government to a severe test, and a presidential elec- 
tion occurring in a regular course during the rebel- 
lion, added not a little to the strain. 

If the loyal people united w r ere put to the utmost 
of their strength by the rebellion, must they not fail 
when divided and partially paralized by a political 
war among themselves? But the election was a 
necessity. We can not have free government with- 
out elections; and if the rebellion could force us to 
forego or postpone a national election, it might fairly 
claim to have already conquered and ruined us. 



PEN AND VOICE. 391 

The strife of the election is but human nature prac- 
tically applied to the facts of the case. What has 
occurred in this case must ever recur in similar cases. 
Human nature will not change. In the future great 
national trial compared with the men of this, we will 
have as weak and as strong, as silly and as wise, as 
bad and as good. Let us, therefore, study the inci- 
dents of this as philosophy to learn wisdom from, and 
none of them as wrongs to be revenged. 

But the election, along with its incidental and un- 
desirable strife, has done good too. 

It has demonstrated that a people's government 
can sustain a national election in the midst of a great 
civil war. Until now, it has not been known to the 
world that this was a possibility. It shows, also, how 
sound and strong we still are. It shows that even 
among the candidates of the same party, he who is 
most devoted to the Union and most opposed to 
treason can receive most of the people's votes. 

It shows, also, to the extent yet known, that we 
have more men now than we had" when the war be- 
gun. Gold is good in its place; but living, brave and 
patriotic men are better than gold. But the rebellion 
continues, and, now that the election is over, may not 
all have a common interest to re-unite in a common 
effort to save our common country? For my own 
[»art, I have striven and shall strive to avoid placing 
any obstacle in the way. 

So long as I have been here, I have not willingly 
planted a thorn in any man's bosom. Wnile I am 
duly sensible to the high compliment of a re-elec- 
tion, and duly grateful, as I trust, to Almighty God, 



302 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 

for having directed my countrymen to a right con- 
clusion, as I think, for their good, it adds nothing to 
my satisfaction that any other man may he disap- 
pointed hy the result. 

May I ask those who have not differed with me to 
join with me in this same spirit toward those who 
have? And, now, let me close hy asking three 
hearty cheers for our hrave soldiers and seamen, and 
their gallant and skillful commanders. 

Letter of Condolence Written to Mrs. Bixby, of 
Boston, Mass., on the Death of Five Sons on 
the Field of Battle. 
Executive Mansion, Washington, Nov. 21, 1864. 
Dear Madam :— I have been shown in the tiles of 
the War Department, a statement of the Adjutant- 
General of Massachusetts, that you are the mother of 
five sons, who have died gloriously on the field of 
battle. 

I feel how weak and fruitless must be any words 
of mine which should attempt to beguile you from 
the grief of a loss so overwhelming. But I can not 
refrain from tendering to you the consolation that 
may be found in the thanks of the Republic they died 
to save. I l )ra y that our Heavenly Father may as- 
suage the anguish of your bereavement, and leave 
you only the cherished memory of the loved and lost, 
and the solemn pride that must be yours, to have laid 
so costly a sacrifice upon the altar of freedom. 
Yours very sincerely and respectfully, 

Abraham Lincoln. 



pen and voice. 393 

Fourth Annual Message, December 6, 1864. 

Fellow-citizens of the Senate and House of Represen- 
tatives: — Again the blessings of health and abundant 
harvests claim our profoundest gratitude to Almighty 
God. The condition of our foreign affairs is reason- 
ably satisfactory. 

Mexico continues to be a theater of civil war. 
While our political relations with that country have 
undergone no change, we have, at the same time, 
strictly maintained neutrality between the belliger- 
ents. 

The proposed overland telegraph between America 
and Europe, by the way of Behring's Straits and 
Asiatic Russia, which was sanctioned by Congress at 
the last session, has been undertaken, under very 
favorable circumstances, by an association of Ameri- 
can citizens, with the cordial good-will and support 
as well of this government as of those of Great 
Britain and Russia. Assurances have been received 
from most of the South American States of their 
high appreciation of the enterprise, and their readi- 
ness to co-operate in constructing lines tributary to that 
world-encircling communication. I learn with much 
satisfaction that the noble design of a telegraphic 
communication between the eastern coast of America 
and Great Britain has been renewed with full expec- 
tation of its early accomplishment. 

Thus it is hoped that with the return of domestic 
peace the country will be able to resume with energy 



304 ABRAHAM LINCOLN^ 

and advantage its former high career of commerce 
and civilization. 

Our very popular and estimable representative in 
Egypt died in April last. An unpleasant altercation 
which arose between the temporary incumbent of the 
office and the government of the Pasha resulted in a 
suspension of intercourse. The evil was promptly 
corrected on the arrival of the successor in the con- 
sulate, and our relation with Egypt, as well as our re- 
lations with the Barbary Powers, are entirely satis- 
factory. 

The rebellion which has so long been flagrant in 
China, has at last been suppressed, with the co-oper- 
ating good offices of this government and of the other 
western commercial states. 

The judicial consular establishment there has be- 
come very difficult and onerous, and it will need leg- 
islative revision to adapt it to the extension of our 
commerce, and to the more intimate intercourse which 
has been instituted with the government and people 
of that vast empire. China seems to be accepting 
with hearty good will the conventional laws which 
regulate commercial and social intercourse among 
the western nations. 

Owing to the peculiar situation of Japan, and the 
anomalous form of its government, the action of that 
empire in performing treaty stipulations is inconstant, 
and capricious. Nevertheless, good progress has been 
effected by the western powers, moving with enlight- 
ened concert. 

Our own pecuniary claims have been allowed, or 
put in course of settlement, and the inland sea has 



PEN AND VOICE. 395 

been reopened to commerce. There is reason also to 
believe that these proceedings have increased rather 
than diminished the friendship of Japan toward the 
United States. 

The ports of Norfolk, Fernandina, and Pensaeola 
have been opened by proclamation. It is hoped that 
foreign merchants will now consider whether it is not 
safer and more profitable to themselves, as well as 
just to the United States, to resort to these and other 
open ports, than it is to pursue, through many haz- 
ards, and at vast cost, a contraband trade with the 
other ports which are closed, if not by actual mili- 
tary occupation, at least by a lawful and effective 
blockade. 

For myself, I have no doubt of the power and duty 
of the executive, under the law of nations, to ex- 
clude enemies of the human race from an asylum in 
the United States. If Congress should think that 
proceedings in such cases lack the authority of law, 
or ought to be further regulated by it, I recommend 
that provision be made for effectually preventing for- 
eign slave-traders from acquiring domicile and facil- 
ities for their criminal occupation in our country. 

It is possible that, if it were a new and open ques- 
tion, the maritime powers, with the lights they now 
enjoy, would not concede the privileges of a naval 
belligerent to the insurgents of the United States, 
destitute, as they are, and always have been, equally 
of ships of war, and of ports and harbors. Disloyal 
emissaries have been neither less assiduous nor more 
successful during the last year than they were before 
that time in their efforts, under favor of that privi- 



396 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 

lege to embroil our country in foreign wars. The 
desire and determination of the governments of the 
maritime states to defeat that design are believed to 
be as sincere as, and can not be more earnest than our 
own. 

Nevertheless, unforeseen political difficulties have 
arisen, especially in Brazilian and British ports, and 
on the northern boundary of the United States, which 
have required, and are likely to continue to require, 
the practice of constant vigilance, and a just and con- 
ciliatory spirit on the part of the United States, as 
well as of the nations concerned and their govern- 
ments. Commissioners have been appointed under 
the treaty with Great -Britain on the adjustment of 
the claims of the Hudson's Bay and Pnget Sound 
Agricultural Companies in Oregon, and are now pro- 
ceeding to the execution of the trust assigned to them. 
In view of the insecurity of life and property in the 
region adjacent to the Canadian border, by reason of 
recent assaults and depredations committed by inimi- 
cal and desperate persons who are harbored there, it 
has been thought proper to give notice that after the 
expiration of six months, the period conditionally 
stipulated in the existing arrangement with Great 
Britain, the United States must hold themselves at 
liberty to increase their naval armament upon the 
lakes if they shall find that proceeding necessary. 
The condition of the border will necessarily come into 
consideration in connection with the question of con- 
tinuing or modifying the rights of transit from Canada 
through the United States, as well as the regulation 
of imposts, which were temporarily established by the 



PEN AND VOICE. 397 

reciprocity treaty of the 5th June, 1854. I desire 
however, to be understood, while making this state- 
ment, that the colonial authorities of Canada are not 
deemed to be intentionally unjust or unfriendly 
toward the United States ; but, on the contrary, there 
is every reason to expect that, with the approval of 
the imperial government, they will take the necessary 
measures to prevent new incursions across the bor- 
ders. . . . 

The war continues. Since the last annual message 
all the important lines and positions then occupied by 
our forces have been maintained, and our arms have 
steadily advanced ; thus liberating the regions left in 
the rear, so that Missouri, Kentucky, Tennessee and 
parts of other states have again produced reasonably 
fair crops. 

The most remarkable feature in the military opera- 
tions of the year is General Sherman's attempted 
march of three hundred miles directly through the in- 
surgent region. It tends to show a great increase of 
our relative strength that our General-in-chief should 
feel able to confront and hold in check every active 
force of the enemy, and yet to detach a well appointed 
large army to move on such an expedition. The re- 
sult not yet being known, conjecture in regard to it 
is not here indulged. 

Important movements have also occurred during 
the year to the effect of molding society for durabil- 
ity in the Union. Although short of complete suc- 
cess, it is much in the right direction that twelve 
thousand citizens in each of the States of Arkansas 
and Louisiana have organized loyal state governments, 



398 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 

with free constitutions, and are earnestly struggling 
to maintain and administer them. The movements 
in the same direction, more extensive though less 
definite, in Missouri, Kentucky and Tennessee, should 
not be overlooked. But Maryland presents the ex- 
ample of complete success. Maryland is secure to 
liberty and Union for all the future. The genius of 
rebellion will no more claim Maryland. Like another 
foul spirit, being driven out, it may seek to tear her, 
but it will woo her no more. 

At the last session of Congress a proposed amend- 
ment of the Constitution abolishing slavery through- 
out the United States passed the Senate, but failed 
for lack of the requisite two-thirds vote in the House 
of Representatives. Although the present is the 
same Congress, and nearly the same members, and 
without questioning the wisdom or patriotism of those 
who stood in opposition, I venture to recommend the 
reconsideration and passage of the measure at the 
present session. Of course the abstract question is 
not changed; but an intervening election shows, al- 
most certainly, that the next Congress will pass the 
measure if this does not. Hence there is only a ques- 
tion of time as to when the proposed amendment will 
go to the states for their action. And as it is to so 
go, at all events, may we not agree that the sooner the 
better? It is not claimed that the election has imposed 
a duty on members to change their views or their 
votes, any further than, as an additional element to 
to be considered, their judgment may be affected by 
it. It is the voice of the people now for the first 
time heard upon the question. In a great national 



PEN AND VOICE. 3D9 

crisis like ours, unanimity of action among those 
seeking a common end is very desirable, — almost in- 
dispensable. 

And yet no approach to such unanimity is attaina- 
ble unless some deference shall be paid to the will of 
the majority, simply because it is the will of the ma- 
jority. In this case the common end is the mainte- 
nance of the Union, and among the means to secure 
that end, such will through the election is most clearly 
declared in favor of such constitutional amendment. 

The most reliable indication of public purpose in 
this country is derived through our popular elections. 
Judging by the recent canvass and its result, the pur- 
pose of the people within the loyal states to maintain 
the integrity of the Union was never more firm nor 
more nearly unanimous than now. 

. The extraordinary calmness and good order with 
which the millions of voters met and mingled at the 
polls give strong assurance of this. Not only all 
those who supported the Union ticket, so-called, but 
a great majority of the opposing party also, may be 
fairly claimed to entertain and to be actuated by the 
same purpose. It is an unanswerable argument to 
this effect, that no candidate for any office whatever, 
high or low, has ventured to seek votes on the avowal 
that he was for giving up the Union. There have 
been much impugning of motives, and much heated 
controversy as to the proper means and best mode of 
advancing the Union cause, but on the distinct issue 
of Union or no Union the politicians have shown 
their instinctive knowledge that there is no diversity 



400 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 

among the people. In affording the people the fair 
opportunity of showing, one to another and to the 
world, this firmness and unanimity of purpose, the 
election has been of vast value to the national cause. 

The election has exhibited another fact not less 
valuable to be known — the fact that we do not ap- 
proach exhaustion in the most important branch of 
national resources — that of living men. While it is 
melancholy to reflect that the war has tilled so many 
graves and carried mourning to so many hearts, it is 
some relief to know that, compared with the surviv- 
ing, the fallen have been so few. 

While corps and divisions and brigades and regi- 
ments have formed and fought and dwindled and gone 
out of existence, a great majority of the men who 
composed them are still Jiving. The same is true of 
the naval service. The election returns prove this. 
So man}- voters could not else be found. The states 
regularly holding elections both now and four years 
ago, to wit, California, Connecticut, Delaware, Illi- 
nois, Indiana, Iowa, Kentucky, Maine, Maryland, 
Massachusetts, Michigan, Minnesota, Missouri, New 
Hampshire, New Jersey, New York, Ohio, Oregon, 
Pennsylvania, Rhode Island, Vermont, West Vir- 
ginia, and Wisconsin cast 3,982,011 votes now against 
3,870,222 cast then. 

To this is to be added, 33,762 cast now in the new 
states of Kansas and Nevada, which states did not 
vote in 18G0, thus swelling the aggregate to 4,015,773 
and the net increase during the three years and a 
half of war to 145,551. 

A table is appended showing particulars. To this 



PEN AND VOICE. 401 

again should be added the number of all soldiers in 
the field from Massachusetts, Rhode Island, New 
Jersey, Delaware, Indiana, Illinois, and California, 
who, by the laws of those states, could not vote away 
from their homes, and which number can not be less 
than 90,000. Nor yet is this all. The number in 
organized territories is triple now what it was four 
years ago, while thousands, white and black, join us 
as the national arms press back the insurgent lines. 
So much is shown affirmatively and negatively by the 
election. It is not material to inquire how the in- 
crease has been produced or to show that it would 
have been greater but for the war, which is probably 
true. 

The important fact remains demonstrated that we 
have more men now than we had when the war began; 
that we are not exhausted nor in process of exhaus- 
tion ; that we are gaining strength, and may if need 
be maintain the contest indefinitely. This as to men. 
Material resources are now more complete and abund- 
ant than ever. The natural resources, then, are un- 
exhausted, and as we believe, inexhaustible. The 
public purpose to re-establish and maintain the 
national authority, is unchanged, and, as we believe, 
unchangeable. The manner of continuing the effort 
remains to choose. On careful consideration of all 
the evidence accessible, it seems to me that no at- 
tempt at nogotiation with the insurgent leader could 
result in any good He would accept nothing short 
of severance of the Union — precisely what we will 
not and can not give. His declarations to this effect 
34 



402 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 

are explicit and oft-repeated. He does not attempt 
to deceive us. He affords us no excuse to deceive 
ourselves. He can not voluntarily re-accept the 
Union, we can not voluntarily yield it. Between 
him and us the issue is distinct, simple and inflexible. 
It is an issue which can only be tried by war, and 
decided by victory. If we yield, we are beaten ; if 
the southern people fail him, he is beaten. Either 
way, it would be the victory and defeat following 
war. What is true, however, of him who heads the 
insurgent cause is not necessarily true of those who 
follow. 

Although he can not re-accept the Union, they can ; 
some of them, we know, already desire peace and re- 
union. The number of such may increase. They can 
at any moment have peace simply by laying down 
their arms and submitting to the national authority 
under the Constitution. 

After so much, the government could not, if it 
would, maintain war against them. The loyal people 
would not sustain or allow it. If questions should re- 
main, we would adjust them by the peaceful means 
of legislation, conference, courts, and votes, operating 
only in constitutional and lawful channels. Some 
certain, and other possible, questions are, and, would 
be, beyond the executive power to adjust, as, for in- 
stance, the admission of members into Congress, and 
whatever might require the appropriation of money. 

The executive power itself would be greatly dimin- 
ished by the cessation of actual war. Pardons and 
remissions of forfeitures, however, would still be with- 
in executive control. In what spirit and temper this 



PEN AND VOICE. 403 

control would be exercised can be fairly judged of by 
the past. 

A year ago general pardon and amnesty, upon spec- 
ified terms, were offered to all, except certain desig- 
nated classes, and it was, at the same time made known 
that the excepted classes were still within contem- 
plation of special clemency. During the year, many 
availed themselves of the general provision, and many 
more would, only that the signs of bad faith in some, 
led to such precautionary measures as rendered the 
practical process less easy and certain. During the 
same time also special pardons have been granted to 
individuals of the excepted classes, and no voluntary 
application has been denied. Thus, practically, the 
door has been, for a full year, open to all, except such 
as were not in condition to make free choice — that is, 
such as were in custody or under constraint. It is 
still so open to all. But the time may come— probably 
will come— when public duty shall demand that it bo 
closed ; and that, in lieu, more rigorous measures than 
heretofore shall be adopted. 

In presenting the abandonment of armed resistance 
to the national authority on the part of the insur- 
gents as the only indispensable condition to ending 
the war, on the part of the government, I retract 
nothing heretofore said as to slavery. I repeat the 
declaration made a year ago, that, " while I remain in 
my present position I shall not attempt to retract or 
modify the emancipation proclamation, nor shall I 
return to slavery any person who is free by the terms 
of that proclamation, or by any of the acts of Con- 
gress/' If the people should, by whatever mode or 



4')4 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 

means, make it an executive duty to re-enslave such 
persons, another, and not I, must be their instrument 
to perform it. ■ 

In stating a single condition of peace, I mean sim- 
ply to say that the war will cease on the part of the 
government whenever it shall have ceased on the part 
of those who began it. A. Lincoln. 

December 6, 1864. 

President Lincoln to Col. Edmund D. Taylor, of 
Chicago, III., December, 1864. 

My Dear Colonel Dick: — I have long determined to 
make public the origin of the greenback, and tell the 
world that it is one of Dick Taylor's creations. You 
have always been friendly to me, and when troublous 
times fell upon us, and my shoulders, though broad 
and willing, were weak, and myself surrounded by 
such circumstances and such people that I knew not 
whom to trust, then I said in my extremity, " I will 
send for Colonel Taylor ; he will know what to do." 
I think it was in January, 1802, on or about the 16th, 
that I did so. You came, and I said to 3-011, " What 
can we do ?' ; Said you, " Why, issue treasury notes 
bearing no interest, printed on the best banking pa- 
per. Issue enough to pay ofl the army expenses, and 
declare it legal tender." Chase thought it a hazard- 
ous thing, but we finally accomplished it, and gave to 
the people of this Republic the greatest blessing they 
ever had — their own paper to pay their own debts. 

It is due to you, the father of the present green- 
back, that the people should know it, and I take great 
pleasure in making it known. How many times have 



PEN AND VOICE. 405 

I laughed at you telling me plainly that I was too 
lazy to be any thing hut a lawyer. 

Yours truly, A. Lincoln, President. 

To General Sherman. 
Executive Mansion, Washington, D. C, Dec. 26, 1864. 

My Dear General Sherman: — Many, many thanks 
for your Christmas gift, the capture of Savannah. 
When you were about to leave Atlanta for the At- 
lantic coast, I was anxious, if not fearful ; but, feel- 
ing that you were the better judge, and remembering 
that nothing risked nothing gained, I did not inter- 
fere. Now, the undertaking being a success, the 
honor is all yours, for I believe none of us went fur- 
ther than to acquiesce. And, taking the work of Gen- 
eral Thomas into the account, as it should lie taken, 
it is indeed a great success. Not only does it afford 
the obvious and immediate military advantages, but. 
in showing to the world that your army could be 
divided, putting the stronger part to an important 
new service, and yet having enough to vanquish the 
old opposing forces of the whole — Hood's army — it 
brings those who sat in darkness to see great light. 

Please make my grateful acknowledgment to your 
whole army, officers and men. 

Yours, very truly, A. Lincoln. 

To Dr. John MacLean. 
Executive Mansion, Washington, Dec. 27, 1864. 
My Dear Sir: — I have the honor to acknowledge 
the reception of your note of the 20th of December, 
conveying the announcement that the trustees of the 



406 ABRAHAM LINCOLN^ 

College of New Jersey Lad conferred upon me the 
degree of Doctor of Laws. 

The assurance conveyed by this high compliment 
that the course of the government which I repre- 
sent has received the approval of a body of gentle- 
men of such character and intelligence, in this time 
of public trial, is most grateful to me. 

Thoughtful men must feel that the fate of civiliza- 
tion upon the continent is involved in the issue of 
our contest. 

Among the most gratifying proofs of this convic- 
tion is the hearty devotion every-where exhibited by 
our schools and colleges to the national cause. 

I am most thankful if my labors have seemed to 
conduce to the preservation of those institutions un- 
der which alone we can expect good government, 
and in its train sound learning and the progress of the 
liberal arts. I am, sir, very truly, 

Your obedient servant, 

A. Lincoln. 

Upon Presenting to the President a Yase of Skele- 
ton Leaves Gathered on the Battle Field op 
Gettysburg, January 24, 1865, the President 
said: 

Reverend Sir, and Ladies and Gentlemen : — I accept 
with emotions of profoundest gratitude the beautiful 
gift you have been pleased to present to me. 

You will, of course, expect that I acknowledge it. 
So much lias been said about Gettysburg, and so well, 
that for me to attempt to say more may perhaps only 



PEN AND VOICE. 407 

serve to weaken the force of that which has already 
been said. 

A most graceful and elegant tribute was paid to 
the patriotism and self-denying labors of the American 
ladies on the occasion of the consecration of the Na- 
tional Cemetery at Gettysburg by our illustrious 
friend, Edward Everett, now, alas, departed from 
earth. His life was a truly great one, and I think the 
greatest part of it was that which crowned its closing 
years. I wish you to read, if you have not already 
done so, the eloquent and truthful words which he 
then spoke of the women of America. Truly, the 
service they have rendered to the defenders of our 
country in this perilous time, and are yet rendering, 
can never be estimated as they ought to be. 

For your kind wishes to me personally I beg leave 
to render you likewise my sincerest thanks. I assure 
you they are appreciated. 

And now, gentlemen and ladies, may God bless you 

all. 

Letter to Governor Smith, of Vermont. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, Feb. 8, 1865. 

His Excellency, Governor Smith, of Vermont: — Com- 
plaint is made to me, by Vermont, that the assign- 
ment of her quota for the draft on the pending call is 
intrinsically unjust, and also in bad faith of the gov- 
ernment's promise to fairly allow credits for men pre- 
viously furnished. To illustrate, a supposed case is 
stated as follows : 

Verm/nit and New Hampshire must, between them, 
furnish six thousand men on the pending call, and 
being equal, each must furnish as many as the other 



408 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 

in the long ran. But the government finds that on 
former calls Vermont furnished a surplus of five hun- 
dred, and New Hampshire a surplus of fifteen hun- 
dred. These two surpluses making two thousand, 
and added to the six thousand, making eight thou- 
sand to he furnished hy the two states, or four 
thousand each, less by fair credits. Then subtract 
Vermont's surplus of five hundred from her four 
thousand, leaves three thousand five hundred as her 
quota on the pending call; and likewise subtract 
New Hampshire's surplus of fifteen hundred from 
her four thousand, leaves two thousand five hundred 
as her quota on the pending call. These three thou- 
sand five hundred and two thousand five hundred 
make precisely six thousand, which the supposed case 
requires from the two states, and it is just equal for 
Vermont to furnish one thousand more now than 
New Hampshire, because New Hampshire has here- 
tofore furnished one thousand more than Vermont, 
which equalizes the burdens of the two in the long 
run. And this result, so far from being bad faith to 
Vermont, is indispensable to keeping good faith with 
New Hampshire. By no other result can the six 
thousand men be obtained from the two states, and 
at the same time deal justly and keep faith with both, 
and we do but confuse ourselves in questioning the 
process by which the right result is reached. The 
supposed case is perfect as an illustration. 

The pending call is not for three hundred thousand 
men, subject to fair credits, but is for three hundred 
thousand remaining after all fair credits have been 
deducted, and it is impossible to concede what Ver- 



PEN AND VOICE. 409 

mont asks without coming out short of three hundred 
thousand men, or making other localities pay for the 
partiality shown her. 

This upon the case stated : If there be different 
reasons for making an allowance to Vermont, let 
them be presented and considered. 

Yours truly, Abraham Lincoln. 

President Lincoln Dictated the following to Sec- 
retary Stanton, to be Sent to General Grant. 

March 3, 1865. 
The president directs me to say to you that he 
wishes you to have no conference with General Lee, 
unless it be for the capitulation of Lee's army, or on 
some minor or purely military matter. He instructs 
me to say that you are not to decide, discuss, or con- 
fer upon any political question. Such questions the 
President holds in his own hands, and will submit 
them to no military conferences or conventions. In 
the meantime you are to press to the utmost your 
military advantages. 

Second Inaugural Address, March 4, 1865. 
Fellow- Countrymen: — At this second appearing to 
take the oath of the presidential office, there is less 
occasion for an extended address than there was at 
the first. Then a statement somewhat in detail of a 
course to be pursued seemed very fitting and proper. 
Now, at the expiration of four years, during which 
public declarations have been constantly called forth 
on every point and phase of the great contest which 
35 



410 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 

Btill absorbs the attention and engrosses the energies 
of the nation, little that is new could be presented. 

The progress of our arms, upon which all else 
chiefly depends, is as well known to the public as to 
myself, and it is, I trust, reasonably satisfactory and 
encouraging to all. With high hope for the future, 
no prediction in regard to it is ventured. On the 
occasion corresponding to this four years ago, all 
thoughts were anxiously directed to an impending 
civil war. All dreaded it; all sought to avert it. 
While the inaugural address was being delivered 
from this place, devoted altogether to saving the 
Union without war, insurgent agents were in the 
city seeking to destroy it without war — seeking to 
dissolve the Union and divide effects by negotiation. 
Both parties deprecated war; but one of them would 
make war rather than let the nation survive, and the 
other would accept war rather than let it perish. And 
the war came. One-eighth of the whole population 
were colored slaves, not distributed generally over 
the Union, but localized in the southern part of it. 

These slaves constituted a peculiar and powerful 
interest. All knew that this interest was somehow 
the cause of the war. To strengthen, perpetuate and 
extend this interest was the object for which the in- 
surgents would rend the Union, even by war, while 
the government claimed no right to do more than to 
restrict the territorial enlargement of it. 

Neither party expected for the war the magnitude 
or the duration which it has already attained. 
Neither anticipated that the cause of the conflict 
might cease with, or even before, the conflict itself 



PEN AND VOICE. 411 

should cease. Each looked for an easier triumph, and 
a result less fundamental and astounding. 

Both read the same Bible, and pray to the same 
God; and each invokes His aid against the other. 

It may seem strange that any man should dare to 
ask a just God's assistance in wringing their bread 
from the sweat of other men's faces ; but let us judge 
not, that we be not judged. 

The prayers of both could not he answered. That 
of neither has been answered fully. The Almighty 
has His own purposes. 

"Woe unto the world because of offenses, for it 
must needs be that offenses come: but woe to that 
man by whom the offense cometh." If we shall sup- 
pose that American slavery is one of these offenses, 
which in the providence of God must needs come, 
but which, having continued through His appointed 
time, He now wills to remove, and that He gives to 
both North and South this terrible war as the woe 
due to those by whom the offense came, shall we dis- 
cern therein any departure from those divine attri- 
butes which the believers in a living God always 
ascribe to Him? Fondly do we hope, fervently do 
we pray, that this mighty scourge of war may speed- 
ily pass away. Yet, if God wills that it continue 
until all the wealth piled by the bondman's two hun- 
dred and fifty years of unrequited toil shall be sunk, 
and until every drop of blood drawn with the lash 
shall be paid with another drawn with the sword ; as 
was said three thousand years ago, so still it must be 
said, " The judgments of the Lord are true and right- 
eous altogether." 



412 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 

With malice toward none, with charity for all, with 
firmness in the right, as God gives us to see the right, 
let ns strive on to finish the work we are in; to bind 
up the nation's wounds; to care for him who shall 
have borne the battle, and for his widow and or- 
phans; to do all which may achieve and cherish a 
just and a lasting peace among ourselves and with 
all nations. 

President Lincoln to Thurlow Weed. 
Executive Mansion, Washington, March 15,1865. 

Dear Mr. Weed: — Every one likes a compliment. 
Thank you for yours on my little notification speech 
and on the recent inaugural address. I expect the 
latter to wear as well as, perhaps better than, any 
thing I have produced ; but I believe it is not imme- 
diately popular. 

Men are not flattered by being shown that there 
has been a difference of purpose between the Al- 
mighty and them. 

To deny it, however, in this case, is to deny that 
there is a God governing the world. 

It is a truth which I thought needed to be told, 
and, as whatever of humiliation there is in it falls 
most directly on myself, I thought others might af- 
ford for me to tell it. Truly, yours, A. Lincoln. 

Introduced by Governor Morton, from National 
Hotel, Washington, D. C., March 17, 1865, and 
the President's Response. 
Fellow-citizens: — It will be but a very few words 

that I shall undertake to say. I was born in Ken- 



PEN AND VOICE. 413 

tacky, raised in Indiana, and Jived in Illinois; and 
now I am here, where it is my business to care equally 
for the good people of all the states. 

I am glad to see an Indiana regiment on this day 
able to present the captured flag to the governor of 
Indiana. 

I am not disposed, in saying this, to make a dis- 
tinction between the states, for all have done equally 
well. 

There are but few views or aspects of this great 
war upon which I have not said or written some- 
thing, whereby my own opinion might be known. 
But there is one — the recent attempt of our erring 
brethren, as they are sometimes called, to employ the 
negro to tight for them. I have neither written nor 
made a speech on that subject, because that was their 
business, not mine; and if I had a wish upon the 
subject, I had not the power to introduce it, or make 
it efFective. The great question with them was 
whether the negro, being put into the army, will 
fight for them. I do not know, and therefore can 
not decide. They ought to know better than we. I 
have in my lifetime heard many arguments why the 
negroes ought to be slaves ; but if they fight for those 
who would keep them in slavery, it will be a better 
argument than all I have yet heard. He who will 
fight for that ought to be a slave. They have con- 
cluded at last to take one out of four of the slaves 
and put them in the army; and that one out of four 
who will fight to keep the others in slavery ought to 
be a slave himself, unless he is killed in a fight. 

While I have often said that all men ought to be 



414 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 

free, yet would I allow those colored persons to "be 
slaves who want to be, and next to them those white 
people who argue in favor of making other people 
slaves. I am in favor of giving an appointment to 
such white men to try it on for these slaves. I will 
say one thing in regard to the negroes being employed 
to fight for them. I do know he can not fight and 
stay at home and make bread too. And as one is 
about as important as the other to them, I don't care 
which they do. I am rather in favor of having them 
try them as soldiers. They lack one vote of doing 
that, and I wish I could send my vote over the river 
so that I might cast it in favor of allowing the negro 
to fight. But they can not fight and work both. We 
mnst now see the bottom of the enemy's resources. 
They will stand out as long as they can, and if the 
negro will fight for them, they must allow him to 
fight. They have drawn upon their last branch of re- 
sources, and we can now see the bottom. I am glad 
to see the end so near at hand. I have said now 
more than I intended, and will therefore bid you 
goodbye. 

City Point, Virginia, April 2, 8:30 p. m. 

At 4:30 P. M. to-day General Grant telegraphs as 
follows : 

We are now up, and have a continuous line of 
troops, and in a few hours will be intrenched from 
the Appomattox below Petersburg to the river above. 
The whole captures since the army started out will 
not amount to less than twelve thousand men, and 
probably fifty pieces of artillery. I do not know the 



PEN AND VOICE. 415 

number of men and guns accurately, however. A por- 
tion of Foster's Division, Twenty-fourth Corps, made 
a most gallant charge this afternoon, and captured a 
a very important fort from the enemy, with its entire 
garrison. 

All seems well with us, and every thing is quiet 
just now. A. Lincoln. 

City Point, Virginia, April 2, 2 p. m. 

At 10:45 a. m. General Grant telegraphs as fol- 
lows : 

Every thing has been carried from the left of the 
Ninth Corps. The Sixth Corps alone captured more 
than six thousand prisoners. The Second and Twenty- 
fourth Corps captured forts, guns and prisoners from 
the enemy, but I can not tell the numbers. We are 
now closing around the works of the line immediately 
enveloping Petersburg. All looks remarkably well. 
I have not yet heard from Sheridan. His head- 
quarters have been moved up to Bank's House, near 
the Boydton road, about three miles south-west of 
Petersburg. A. Lincoln. 

Telegram to the Secretary of War. 

At 12:30 p. M. to-day General Grant telegraphed me 
as follows : 

There has been much hard lighting this morning. 
The enemy drove our left from near Dabney's house 
back well toward the Boydton pland-road. We are 
now about to take the offensive at that point, and J 
hope will more than recover the lost ground. 

Later he telegraphed again as follows : 



416 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 

Oar troops, after being driven back to the Boydton 
plank-road, turned and drove the enemy in tarn, and 
took the White Oak road, which we now have. This 
gives us the ground occupied by the enemy this morn- 
ing. I will send you a rebel flag captured by our 
troops in driving the enemy back. There have been 
four flags captured to-day. 

Judging by the two points from which General 
Grant telegraphs, I infer that he moved his head- 
quarters about one mile since he sent the first of the 
two dispatches. A. Lincoln. 

To E. M. Stanton, Secretary of War. 
City Point, Virginia, April 2, 1865, 8:30 a. m. 

Last night General Grant telegraphed that General 
Sheridan, with his cavalry and the Fifth Corps, had 
captured three brigades of infantry, a train of wagons, 
and several batteries ; the prisoners amounting to 
several thousand. 

This morning General Grant, having ordered an at- 
tack along the whole line, telegraphs as follows : 

Both Wright and Parke got through the enemy's 
lines. The battle now rages furiously. General 
Sheridan, with his cavalry, the Fifth Corps, and 
Miles' Division of the Second Corps, which was sent 
to him this morning, is now sweeping down from the 
west. 

All now looks highly favorable. General Ord is 
engaged, but I have not yet heard the result in his 
front. A. Lincoln. 



pen and voice. 417 

Dispatch to Secretary Stanton, April 3, 1865. 

This morning Lieutenant-General Grant reports 
Petersburg evacuated, and he is confident that Rich- 
mond also is. 

He is pushing forward to cut off, if possible, the re- 
treating rebel army. A. Lincoln. 

President's Order. 
Headquarters Armies of the United States, 

City Point, April 6, 1865. 
It has been intimated to me, that the gentlemen 
who have acted as the legislature of Virginia, in sup- 
port of the rebellion, may now desire to assemble at 
Richmond, and take measures to withdraw the Vir- 
ginia troops, and other support from resistance to the 
general government. If they attempt it, give them 
permission and protection, until, if at all, they at- 
tempt some action hostile to the United States, in 
which case you will notify them, give them reasonable 
time to leave, and at the end of which time arrest 
any who remain. Allow judge Campbell to see this, 
but do not make it public. Yours, etc., 

A. Lincoln. 

Last Public Speech ever Delivered by President 
Lincoln, April 11, 1865. 
After the fall of Richmond and the surrender of 
the Army of Northern Virginia, President Lincoln 
was called upon in Washington, and made these re- 
marks : 

[A\ r e meet this evening, not in sorrow, but in glad- . 



418 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 

ness of heart. The evacuation of Petersburg and 
Richmond, and the surrender of the principal in- 
surgent army, give hope of a righteous and speedy 
peace, whose joyous expression can not be restrained. 
In the midst of this, however, He from whom all 
blessings flow must not be forgotten. A call for a 
national thanksgiving is being prepared and will be 
duly promulgated. Nor must those whose harder 
part give us the cause of rejoicing be overlooked. 
Their honors must not be parceled out with others. 
I myself was near the front, and had the high pleas- 
ure of transmitting much of the good news to you, 
but no part of the honor, for plan or execution, is 
mine. To General Grant, his skillful officers, and 
brave men all belongs. The gallant navy stood 
ready, but did not in reach to take active part. 

By these recent successes, the reinauguration of the 
national authority, reconstruction, which has had a 
large share of thought from the first, is pressed much 
more closely upon our attention. It is fraught with 
great difficulty. Unlike the case of a war between 
independent nations, there is no authorized organ for 
us to treat with. No one man has authority to give 
up the rebellion for any other man. We simply must 
begin with and mold from disorganized and discord- 
ant elements. Nor is it a small additional embarrass- 
ment that we, the loyal people, differ among ourselves 
as to the mode, manner, and means of reconstruction. 

As a general rule, I abstain from reading the re- 
ports of attacks upon myself, wishing not to be pro- 
voked by that to which I can not properly offer an 
answer. In spite of this precaution, however, it 



PEN AND VOICE. 419 

comes to my knowledge that I am censured from 
some supposed agency in setting up and seeking to 
sustain the new state government of Louisiana. In 
this I have done just so much as and no more than 
the public knows. In the annual message of Decem- 
ber, 1863, and accompanying proclamation, I pre- 
sented a plan of reconstruction (as the phrase goes), 
which I promised, if adopted by any state, should be 
acceptable to and sustained by the executive govern- 
ment of the nation. I distinctly stated that this was 
not the only plan which might possibly be acceptable, 
and I also distinctly protested that the executive 
claimed no right to say when or whether members 
should be admitted to «scats in Congress from such 
states. This plan was in advance submitted to the 
then cabinet, and distinctly approved by every mem- 
ber of it. One of them suggested that I should then 
and in that connection apply the Emancipation 
Proclamation to the theretofore excepted parts of 
Virginia and Louisiana; that I should drop the sug- 
gestion about apprenticeship for freed people, and 
that I should omit the protest against my own power, 
in regard to the admission of members of Congress, 
but even he approved every part and parcel of the 
plan which has since been employed or touched by 
the action of Louisiana. 

The new constitution of Louisiana, declaring 
emancipation for the whole state, practically applies 
the proclamation to the part previously excepted. 
It does not adopt apprenticeship for freed people, 
and it is silent, as it could not well be otherwise, 
about the admission of members to Congress. So 



420 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 

that, as it applies to Louisiana, every member of the 
cabinet fully approved the plan. 

The message went to Congress, and I received 
many commendations of the plan, written and verbal, 
and not a single objection to it from any 'professed 
emancipationist came to my knowledge until after 
the news reached Washington that the people of 
Louisiana had begun to move in accordance with it. 
From about July, 1862, 1 had corresponded with differ- 
ent persons supposed to be interested, seeking a recon- 
struction of a state government for Louisiana. When 
the message of 1863, with the plan before mentioned 
reached New Orleans, General Banks wrote me he 
was confident that the people, with his military co- 
operation, would reconstruct substantially on that 
plan. I wrote him and some of them to try it. 
They tried it, and the result is known. 

Such only has been my agency in getting up the 
Louisiana government. As to sustaining it, my 
promise is out, as before stated. But as bad promises 
are better broken than kept, I shall treat this as a 
bad promise and break it whenever I shall be con- 
vinced that keeping it is adverse to the public in- 
terest. But I have not yet been so convinced. 

I have been shown a letter on this subject, sup- 
posed to be an able one, in which the writer ex- 
presses regret that my mind has not seemed to be 
definitely fixed on the question whether the seceded 
states, so called, are in the Union or out of it. 

It would, perhaps, add astonishment to his regret, 
were he to learn that, since I have found professed 
Union men endeavoring to make that question, I 



PEN AND VOICE. 421 

have 'purposely forborne any public expression upon 
it. As appears to me, that question has not been, nor 
yet is, a practically material one, and that any discus- 
sion of it, while it thus remains practically immate- 
rial, could have no effect other than the mischievous 
one of dividing our friends. As yet, whatever it may 
hereafter become, that question is bad as a basis of a 
controversy, and good for nothing at all as merely a 
pernicious abstraction. "We all agree that the seceded 
states, so called, are out of their proper practical re- 
lation with the Union, and that the sole object of the 
government, civil and military, in regard to those 
states, is to again get them into that proper practical 
relation. I believe it is not only possible, but in fact 
easier, to do this without deciding, or even consider- 
ing, whether these states have ever been out of the 
Union, than with it. Finding themselves safely at 
home, it would be utterly immaterial whether they 
had ever been abroad. Let us all join in doing the 
acts necessary to restoring the proper practical rela- 
tions between these states and the Union, and each 
forever after innocently indulge his own opinion 
whether, in doing the acts, he brought the state from 
without into the Union, or only gave them proper 
assistance, they never having been out of it. 

The amount of constituency, so to speak, on which 
the new Louisiana government rests, would be more 
satisfactory to all if it contained fifty, thirty, or even 
twenty thousand, instead of only about twelve thou- 
sand, as it really does. It is also unsatisfactory to 
some that the elective franchise is not given to the 
colored men. I would myself prefer that it were 



422 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 

now conferred on the xevy intelligent, and on those 
who serve our cause as soldiers. Still, the question is 
not whether the Louisiana government, as it stands, 
is quite all that is desirable. The question is, " Will 
it be wise, take it as it is, and help to improve it, or 
to reject and disperse it?" "Can Louisiana be 
brought into proper practical relation with the Union 
sooner by sustaining or by discarding her new state 
government ? " 

Some twelve thousand voters in the heretofore 
slave state of Louisiana have sworn allegiance to the 
Union, assumed to be the rightful political power of 
the state, held elections, organized a state govern- 
ment, adopted a free state constitution, giving the 
benefit of public schools equally to black and white, 
and empowering the legislature to confer the elective 
franchise upon the colored man. Their legislature 
has already voted to ratify the constitutional amend- 
ment recently passed by Congress abolishing slavery 
throughout the nation. These twelve thousand per- 
sons are thus fully committed to the Union, and to 
perpetual freedom in the states — committed to the 
very things and nearly all the things the nation 
wants — and they ask the nation's recognition, and its 
assistance to make good that committal. 

Now, if we reject and spurn them, we do our ut- 
most to disorganize and disperse them. We, in 
effect, say to the white men, "You are worthless^ or 
worse; we will neither help you nor be helped by 
you." To the blacks we say, " This cup of liberty 
which these, your old masters, hold to your lips, we 
will dash from you, and leave you to the chances of 



PEN AND VOICE. 423 

gathering the spilled and scattered contents in some 
vague and undefined when, where, and how." If 
this course, discouraging and paralyzing hoth black 
and white, has any tendency to bring Louisiana into 
proper practical relations with the Union, I have, so 
far, been unable to perceive it. If, on the contrary, 
we recognize and sustain the new government of 
Louisiana, the converse of all this is made true. 

We encourage the hearts and nerve the arms of the 
twelve thousand to adhere to their work and argue 
for it, and proselyte for it, and fight for it, and feed 
it, and grow it, and ripen it to a complete success. 
The colored man, too, seeing all united for him, is 
inspired with vigilance, and energy, and daring, to 
the same end. Grant that he desires the elective 
franchise, will he not attain it sooner by saving the 
already advanced steps toward it than by running 
backward over them ? Concede that the new govern- 
ment of Louisiana is only to what it should be as the 
egg is to the fowl; we shall sooner have the fowl by 
hatching the egg than by smashing it. 

Again, if we reject Louisiana, we also reject one 
vote in favor of the proposed amendment to the Na- 
tional Constitution. 

To meet this proposition, it lias been argued that 
no more than three-fourths of those states which 
have not attempted secession are necessary to validly 
ratify the amendment 

I do not commit myself against this further than 
to say that such a ratification would be questionable, 
and sure to be persistently questioned, whilst a ratifi- 



424 Abraham Lincoln's 

cation by throe-fourths of all the states would be un- 
questioned and unquestionable. 

I repeat the question, " can Louisiana be brought in- 
to proper practical relation with the Union sooner by 
sustaining or by discarding her new state government ?" 
What has been said of Louisiana will apply generally to 
other states. And yet so great peculiarities pertain 
to each state, and such important and sudden changes 
occur in the same state, and, with all, so new and un- 
precedented is the whole case, that no exclusive and 
inflexible plan can safely be prescribed as to details and 
collaterals. Such exclusive and inflexible plan would 
surely become a new entanglement. Important prin- 
ciples may, and must, be inflexible. 

In the present situation, as the phrase goes, it may 
be my duty to make some new announcement to the 
people of the south. I am considering, and shall not 
fail to act when satisfied that action will be proper. 

Last Public Utterances of President Lincoln, 
April 14, 1865. 

Mr. Colfax — I want you to take a message from me 
to the miners whom you visit. I have very large 
ideas of the mineral wealth of our nation. I believe 
it practically inexhaustible. It abounds all over the 
western country, from the Rocky Mountains to the 
Pacific, and its development has scarcely commenced. 
During the war, when we were adding a couple mill- 
ions of dollars every da} 7 to our national debt, I did 
not care about encouraging the increase in the volume 
of our precious metals. We had the country to save 
first. But now that the rebellion is overthrown, and 



PEN AND VOICE. 425 

we know pretty nearly the amount of our national 
debt, the more gold and .silver we mine, we make the 
payment of that debt so much the easier. Now, I am 
going to encourage that in every possible way. We 
shall have hundred of thousands of disbanded soldiers, 
and many have feared that their return home in such 
great numbers might paralyze industry, by furnishing, 
suddenly, a greater supply of labor than there will be 
a demand for. I am going to try to attract them to the 
hidden wealth of our mountain ranges, where there is 
room enough for all. Immigration, which even the 
war has not stopped, will land upon our shores 
hundreds of thousands more per year from over- 
crowded Europe. I intend to point them to the gold 
and silver that w T ait for them in the west, Tell the 
miners for me, that I shall promote their interests to 
the utmost of my ability, because their prosperity is 
the prosperity of the nation ; and w T e shall prove, in 
a very few years, that w r e are indeed the treasury of 
the world. 

In carriage going to theater. Last written words. 

Allow Mr. Ashmun and friend to come to me at 9 
o'clock a. m. to-morrow, April 15, 1865. 

A. Lincoln. 

FUNERAL HYMN. 

Rest, noble martyr; rest in peace; 

Rest with the true and brave, 
Who, like thee, fell in freedom's cause, 

The nation's life to save. 

36 



426 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S PEN AND VOICE. 

Thy name shall live while time endures, 
And men shall say of thee, 

"He saved his country from its foes, 
And bade the slave be free." 

These deeds shall be thy monument, 
Better than brass or stone ; 

They leave thy fame in Glory's light, 
Unrivaled and alone. 

This consecrated spot shall be, 

To Freedom ever dear ; 
And Freedom's sons of every race, 

Shall weep and worship here. 

O God ! hefore whom we, in tears, 
Our fallen Chief deplore ; 

Grant that the cause for which he died, 
May live forever more. 



THE END. 




THE NATIONAL LINCOLN MONUMENT, SPRINGFIELD, ILL. 

FACING SOUTH. 

iFrom Power's History of the Attempt to Steal the Body of Lincoln ) 




THE NATIONAL LINCOLN MONUMENT. 

FACING NORTH. 

{From Power's History <>1 the Attempt to Steal the Body of Lincoln.) 



INDEX. 



PAGE, 

Address to Committee notifying him of his First Nomina- 
tion to the Presidency, May 18, 1860 13 

Address at Springfield, 111., February 11,1861 18 

Address at Indianapolis, Ind., February 11, 1861 19 

Address at Indianapolis, Ind. (evening), February 11, 1861.. 20 

Address at Cincinnati, 0., February 12, 1861 22 

Address at Columbus, 0., February 13, 1861 25 

Address at Pittsburg, Pa., February 15, 1861 , 27 

Address at Albany, X. Y., February 18, 1861 31 

Address at Albany, N. Y. (evening), February 18, 1861 32 

Address at Troy, N. Y., February 18, 1861 34 

Address at Hudson, N. Y., February 19, 1861 34 

Address at Poughkeepsie, X. Y., February 19, 1861 35 

Address at Fishkill Landing, N. Y., February 19, 1861 36 

Address at Peekskill, N. Y., February 19, 1861 36 

Address at New York City, N. Y., February 20, 1861 37 

Address at Trenton, N. J., February 21, 1861 39 

Address at Philadelphia, Pa., February 22, 1861 41 

Address at Harrisburg, Pa., February 22, 1861 42 

Address at Serenade, Washington, D. C, February 28, 1861.. 47 

Address to Delegates from Virginia, April 13, 1861. 64 

Address to Frontier Guards, April 28, 1861 69 

Address to Baltimore Committee, April 28, 1861 69 

Address on Ketirement of General Scott, November 1, 1861. 106 
Address to the Senators and Representatives of the Border 

States, July, 1862 HI 

Address at a Union Meeting in Washington, August 6, 1862. 184 

Address on Colonization, August 14,1862 186 

Address Respecting the Issue of Emancipation Proclama- 

mation, September 13, 1862 196 

(427) 



428 INDEX. 

Address at Serenade in Honor of Emancipation Proclama- 
tion, September 24, 1862 , 204 

Address to Major John J. Key, September 26, 1862 205 

Address to Army of the Potomac, December 22, 1862 281 

Address at a Serenade, July, 1863 281 

Address at the Dedication of Gettysburg Cemetery, Novem- 
ber 19, 1863 329 

Quotation from Speech of Daniel Webster , 330 

Address at Patent Office, Washington, March 16, 1864 ,. 349 

Address at the Baltimore Fair, April 18, 1864 „ 354 

Address at Serenade at Washington, D. C, May 13, 1864 362 

Address to Committee on Re-nomination, June 9, 1864 364 

Address to National Union League, June 9, 1864 365 

Address at Philadelphia Fair, June 16, 1864 366 

Address at Serenade, September, 1864 376 

Address to 148th Ohio Regiment, September, 1864 382 

Address to another Ohio Regiment, September, 1864 378 

Address, called his last, shortest, and best, September, 1864.. 384 

Address at a Serenade, October 19, 1864 ." 385 

Address at a Serenade by Club of Pennsylvanians, Novem- 
ber 9, 1864 389 

Address at a Serenade to Lincoln and Johnson Clubs, No- 
vember 10, 1864 390 

Address upon Receipt of Vase of Skeleton Leaves, January 

24, 1865 406 

Address from National Hotel, Washington, March 17, 1865.. 412 
Address, last deli ered by Lincoln, April 11, 1865 417 

INAUGURAL ADDRESSES. 

Address, First Inaugural, March 4, 1861 48 

Address, Second Inaugural, March 4, 1865 , 409 

LETTERS TO HIS GENERALS. 

Letter to Major-General Fremont, August 15, 1861....... 96 

Letter to Major-General Fremont, September 2, 1861 98 

Letter to Major-General Fremont, September 22, 1861 100 

Letter to Major-General Fremont, May 24, 1862 142 

Letter to Major-General Fremont, May 24, 1862..... 143 



INDEX. 429 

Letter to Major-General Fremont. May 29, 1862 149 

Letter to Major-General Fremont, June 9", 1862 155 

Letter to Major-General Fremont, June 12, LS62 155 

Letter to Major-General Fremont, June 13, 1802 155 

Letter to Major-General Fremont, June 15, 1862 156 

Letter to Major-General Fremont, June 16, 1862 158 

Letter to Major-General Fremont, September 11, 1862 193 

Letter to Major-General Halleck, December 2, 1861 121 

Letter to Major-General Halleck, January 1, 1862 124 

Letter to Major-General Halleck, January 15, 1862 124 

Letter to Major-General Halleck, February 16, 1862 127 

Letter to Major-General Halleck, May 21, 1862 114 

Letter to Major-General Halleck, July 2, 1862 168 

Letter to Major-General Halleck, July 6, 1862 284 

Letter to Major-General Halleck, July 6, 1863 170 

Letter to Major-General Halleck, July 29, 1863 293 

Letter to Major-General McClellan, February 3, 1S62 12 > 

Letter to Major-General McClellan, April 9, 1862 133 

Letter to Major-General McClellan, May 9, 1862 138 

Letter to Major-General McClellan, May 21, 1862 141 

Letter to Major-General McClellan, May 25, 18G2 144 

Letter to Major-General McClellan, May 25, 1862 145 

Letter to Major-General McClellan, May 23, 1862 148 

Letter to Major-General McClellan, May 31, 1862 154 

Letter tc Major-General McClellan, June 1, 1S62 154 

Letter to Major-General McClellan, June 20, 1862 160 

Letter to Major-General McClellan, June 21, 1862 161 

Letter to Major-General McClellan, June 26, 1862 162 

Letter to Major-General McClellan, June 28, 1862 163 

Letter to Major-General McClellan, July 1, 1S62 166 

Letter to Major-General McClellan, July 2, 1862 IJ37 

Letter to Major-General McClellan, July 3, 1862 168 

Letter to Major General McClellan, July 4, 1862 169 

Letter to Major-General McClellan, July 13, 1862 174 

Letter to Major-General McClellan, October 13, 1862 207 

Letter to Major-General McClellan, October 25, 1862 213 

Letter to Major-General McClellan, October 26, 1862 213 

Letter to General Buell, January 6, 1862 121 



430 INDEX. 

Letter to General Buell, January 7, 1862 122 

Letter to General Buell, January 13, 1862 128 

Letter to General Buell March 10, 1862 131 

Letter to General Saxton, May 24, 1862 142 

Letter to General Saxton, May 25, 1862 144 

Letter to General Saxton, May 25, 1862 .' 146 

Letter to General Saxton, May 25, 1862 147 

Letter to General McDowell, May 24, 1862 143 

Letter to General McDowell, May 28, 1862 148 

Letter to Major-General Hooker, January 26, 1863 247 

Letter to Major-General Hooker, April 15, 1803 255 

Letter to Major-General Hooker, May 6, 1863 256 

Letter to Major-General Hooker, May 6, 1863 257 

Letter to Major-General Hooker, May 7, 1863 257 

Letter to Major-General Hooker, May 8, 1863 258 

Letter to Major-General Hooker, May 14, 1863 259 

Letter to Major-General Hooker, June 5, 1863 261 

Letter to Major-General Hooker, June 10, 1863 262 

Letter to Major-General Hooker, June 14, 1863 276 

Letter to Major-General Hooker, June 14, 1863 276 

Letter to Major-General Hooker, June 16, 1863 278 

Letter to Major-General Schofield, May 27, 1863 260 

Letter to Major-General Schofield, June 22, 1863 279 

Letter to Major-General Schofield, October 1, 1S63 311 

Letter to Major-General Schofield, October 28, 1863 325 

Letter to Major-General Grant, July 13, 1863 286 

Letter to Major-General Grant, August 9, 1868 , 305 

Letter to Major-General Grant, April 30, 1864 359 

Letter to Major-General Grant, July 10, 1864 369 

Letter to Major-General Grant, August 3, 1804 371 

Letter to Major-General Grant, March 3, 1865 409 

Letter to Major-General Meade, March 29, 1864 351 

Letter to Major-General Dix, June 30, 1862 166 

Letter to Major-General Dix, May 9, 1863 258 

Letter to Major-General Hunter, June 30, 1862 165 

Letter to Major-Generals Hunter and Lane, Feb. 10, 1862 127 

Letter to Major-General Sherman, September 19, 1864 389 

Letter to Major-General Sherman, December 26, 1864 405 



INDEX. 



431 



Letter to Major-General Burnside, January 8, 1863 244 

Letter to Major-General Burnside, July 27, 1863 293 

Letter to Major-General Curtis, January 2, 1863 242 

Letter to Major-General Curtis, July 5, 1863 282 

Letter to General Schurz, June 16, 1862. 160 

Letter to General Schurz, November 24, 1S62 217 

Letter to Major-General Hurlburt, May 22, 1863 260 

Letter to Major-General Banks, August 5, 1863 302 

Letter to Major-General Rosecrans, October 4, 1863 315 

Letter to Major-General Gilmore, January 13, 1864 345 

Letter to Major-General Steele, January 20, 1864 347 

Letter to Major-General Sheridan, October 22, 1864 389 

Letter to General Hunter and Admiral Du Pont, April 14, 

1863 251 

Letter to Commander of Department of the West, October 

24, 1861 103 

Letter to Flag Officer Goldsborough, May 7, 1862 137 

Letter to Flag Officer Goldsborough, May 10, 1862 139 

Letter to Lieutenant-General Scott, November 1, 1861 105 

Letter to General Lorenzo Thomas, July 8, 1863 285 

LETTERS TO GOVERNORS. 

Letter to Governor Hicks and Mayor Brown, April 20, 1861.. 68 

Letter to Governor B. Magoffin, August 24, 1861 97 

Letter to Governor Andrew Johnson, April 27,1862 137 

Letter to Governor Morton, July 3, 1862 169 

Letter to Governor Andrew Johnson, July 11, 1862 171 

Letter to Governor Andrew G. Curtin, September 1 1, 1862... 194 
Letter to Governor Andrew G. Curtin, September 12, 1862... 195 

Letter to Governor Andrew G. Curtin, May 1, 1863 255 

Letter to Governor Andrew G. Curtin, May 2, 1863 256 

Letter to Governor Seymour, July, 1863 289 

Letter to Governor Seymour, August 7, 1863 303 

Letter to Governor Bradford, November 2, 1862 214 

Letter to Governor Hahn, March 13, 1864 348 

Letter to Governor Smith, February 8, 1865 407 

Letter to Governor Joel Parker, July 20, 1863.. 290 

Letter to Governor Joel Parker, July 25, 1863 291 



432 INDEX. 



LETTERS TO MEMBERS OF CABINET. 

Letter to Secretary of State Seward, .Tune 29, 1862 1G4 

Letter to Secretary of State Seward, .June 30, 1862 165 

Letter to Secretary of Navy Wells, May 11, 1861 72 

Letter to Secretary of Treasury Chase, May 25, 1862 147 

Letter to Secretary of War Stanton, August 17, 1861 97 

Letter to Secretary of War Stanton, September 18, 1861 100 

Letter to Secretary of War Stanton, January 31, 1862 125 

Letter to Secretary of War Stanton, December 21, 186.'! 343 

Letter to Secretary of War Stanton, April 2, 1865 414 

Letter to Secretary of War Stanton, April 2, 1865 415 

Letter to Secretary of War Stanton, April 2, 1865 415 

Letter to Secretary of War Stanton, April 2, 1865 416 

Letter to Secretary of War Stanton, April 3, 1865 417 

Letter to Postmaster-General Blair, July 24, 1863 291 

Letter to Postmaster-General Blair, September 23, 1864 379 

LETTERS TO CIVILIANS. 

Letter to Committee notifying him of his First Nomination 

to the Presidency, May 23, I860 14 

Letter to John B. Fry, August 15, I860 14 

Letter to Thurlow Weed, August 17, 1860 15 

Letter to Thurlow Weed, December 17, 1860 16 

Letter to Thurlow Weed, February 4, 1861 17 

Letter to Senor Molina, March 17, 1861 63 

Letter to Mrs. General Fremont, September 12, 1861 99 

Letter to Hon. 0. H. Browning, September 22, 1861 100 

Letter to Cuthbert Bullitt, July 28, 1862 187 

Letter to Horace Greeley, August 22, 1862 192 

Letter to Hon. Alexander Henry, September 12, 1862 196 

Letter to Major John J. Key, September 26, 1862 206 

Letter to Thomas H. Clay, October 8, 1862 207 

Letter to Thomas R. Smith, October 21, 1862 212 

Letter to Hon. Fernando Wood, December 12, 1862 238 

Letter to Workingmen of Manchester, England, February 9, 

1863 248 

Letter to Rev. Alexander Reed, February 22, 1863 250 



INDEX. 433 

Letter to New York Democrats, June 12, 1863 263 

Letter to Ohio Democrats, July 29, 1863 294 

Letter to Illinois Convention, August 26, 1863 305 

Letter to Hon. Charles Drake and Others, October 5, 1863... 316 

Letter to Thurlow Weed, October 14, 1863 323 

Letter to E. E. Motriol and Others, October 28, 1863 327 

Letter too. D. Filley, December 22, 1863 344 

Letter to Crosby and Nichols, January 16, 1864 346 

Letter to A. G. Hodges, April 4, 1864 351 

Letter to F. A. Conckling, June 3, 1864 363 

Letter to Hon. William Dennison and ( >thers, June 27, 1864.. 368 

Letter to Rev. Dr. Pohlman, August 15, 1864 371 

Letter to Hon. Henry J. Raymond, August 15, 1864 372 

Letter to Mrs. Eliza P. Gurney, September 30, 1864 380 

Letter to Hon. Henry W. Hoffman, October 18, 1864 384 

Letter of Reply to Protest of Tennessee, October 22, 1864.... 387 

Letter to Mrs. Bixby, November 21, 1864 392 

Letter to Colonel E. D. Taylor, December 27, 1864 404 

Letter to Dr. John Maclean, December 27, 1864 405 

Letter to Thurlow Weed, March 15, 1865 412 

Letter to Mr. Ashmun and Friend, April 14, 1865 425 

Letter to Hon. J. K. Dubois, July 11, 1863 286, 

Letter to Hon. J. K. Moorehead, June 18, 1863 27"9 

MESSAGES TO CONGRESS. 

First Message to Congress, July 4, 1861 72 

First Annual Message to Congress, December 3, 1861 110 

Message of Recommendation to Congress, March 6, 1862 128 

Message to Congress, April 16, 1862 ■ 136 

Message to Congress, May 29, 1862 149 

Message to Congress, July 17, 1862 ' 176 

Second Annual Message, December 1, 1862 219 

Message to Congress, January 19, 1863 244 

Third Annual Message, December 8, 1863 330 

Message to Congress, April 28, 1864 357 

Fourth Annual Message, December 6, 1864 393 



434: INDEX. 



PROCLAMATIONS 

Proclamation, April 15, 1861 66 

Proclamation, May 3, 1S61 70 

Proclamation, April 10,1862 135 

Proclamation, May 19, 1862 139 

Proclamation, September 2.2, 1862 200 

Proclamation, November 16, 1862 216 

Proclamation, January 1, 1863 240 

Proclamation, Marcb 31, 1863 252 

Proclamation, June 15, 1863 277 

Proclamation, July 15, 1863 287 

Proclamation, October 3, 1863 313 

Proclamation, December 8, 1863 338 

ORDERS. 

Memorandum of Military Programme, July 23, 1861 95 

General War Order No. 3, March 8, 1S62 130 

General War Order, March 13, 1862 131 

Presidential Orders, June 22, 1862 161 

Order Establishing Provisional Court, October 20, 1S62 211 

President's Order Relieving General McClellan, November 

5,1862 215 

Approval of Court-Martial Proceedings, January 21, 1863.... 246 

War Bulletin— Official, July 31, 1863 301 

Orders for National Salutes, September 5, 1864 375 

Thanks to Ohio Volunteers, September 10, 1^64 376 

Thanks to Volunteers of Illinois, Indiana, Iowa, and Wis- 
consin, October 1, 1864 381 

Presidential Order, April 6, 1865 417 

CALLS FOR NATIONAL THANKS. 

Call for thanksgiving and Prayer, July, 1863 287 

Call for Thanksgiving and Prayer, May 9, 1864 360 

National Thanks to Farragut and Canby, September 3, 1864.. 373 

National Thanks to General Sherman, September 3, 1864.... 374 

Call for National Thanksgiving, September 3, 1864 37-3 



INDEX. 435 



MISCELLANEOUS. 

Lincoln's Statement of how he Entered Washington, Febru- 
ary 23, 1861 45 

Letter on Missouri Matters, November 5, 1861 106 

Nomination of John Pope as Major-General, March 22, 

1862 132 

Nomination of Fitz John Porter as Major-General, July 16, 

1862 175. 

Letter Regarding Thomas W. Knox, March 20, 1863 251 

Announcement of the Success of the Army of the Potomac, 

July 4, 1863 280 

Communication to the House of Representatives, Novem- 
ber, 1863 327 

Lincoln's Description of Grant to a Friend, March, 1864 350 

Communication to House of Representatives, April 28, 1864. 358 
Interview Published in New York Tribune, January 30, 

1861 16 

Words to General Grant, April 9, 1864 354 

The President's Idea of Democratic Policy and Strategy, 

May, 1864 360 

Last Public Utterances of President Lincoln, April 14, 1865. 424 

To Whom it May Concern, July 18, 1S64 370 

Last Written Words, April 14, 1865 425 

To Whom it May Concern, November 1, 1862 213 

To Whom it May Concern, October 27, 1S63 324 

POEMS AND HYMNS. 

Oh ! Why Should the Spirit of Mortal be Proud 1 61 

Closing Hymn at Lincoln's Burial 425 



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